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Drowning with the enemy

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My daughter came back from school quite disturbed. “How can India do this to us?” she complained to me as if I was the ‘ambassador at home’ of India. “They have inundated the whole of our country,” she charged angrily.

I tried to explain that the flooding in central and north-eastern Punjab was from the two western rivers, Jhelum and Chenab, and India had nothing to do with them. “It is caused by the torrential rains that flooded all the roads of our city and you see, that’s why you couldn’t go to school for two days,” I reasoned further but she wasn’t satisfied.

“The Indian side of Kashmir is under heavy floods too. It naturally flows our way. It’s geography and nature and not politics, girl,” I was now using my knowledge to buttress my defense.

Also read:Hundreds of thousands marooned by floods in India-held Kashmir

She, however, was not fully convinced.

The floods were obviously discussed by her teachers and classmates that day. “OK, I will soon write to Amir Khan to dissuade his government from throwing away their extra water on us.” I sought some help from the India that she adores.

It ended in laughter but I had to really put in some effort to prove that I was only trying to be rational and not defending India.

I suffered a similar shock some time ago, when I was having a customary welcome-back conversation with my office maid who had just returned from her village in Okara after her Eid visit.

Besides her sick mother, and a vagabond brother refusing ‘a settled life’, she had one additional worry to report, “Agriculture is getting poorer. There is no water in the canals.”

“Where has it gone?” I quipped.

“It’s India that has blocked it all,” she retorted with such confidence as if she had seen with her eyes a dragon called India sucking our rivers dry. She, however, was unable to see any big landlord stealing water in connivance with irrigation authorities for their lucrative and water intensive crops.

A new narrative of hate that blames all our water woes on India is winning popular perceptions in Pakistan.

The counter narrative is too technical for the common person to comprehend and appreciate. A combo of pictures titled ‘River Ravi in Pakistan and in India’, with the Pakistani part obviously dry as dust, mounted on Jamaat ud Dawa vans is much simpler and more communicative. It builds on the hatred for India that has been cultivated on the issue of Kashmir for decades and it is now being extended to waters that flow from that region.

Also read:Pakistan's water woes should not be blamed on 'bogeyman' India

The dispute of Kashmir was a ‘real issue’ for the generation that witnessed the Partition of 1947 as it was politically correct then to stake territorial claims on the basis of communal associations. It became a cause celebre for our next generation as Pakistani nationalism was perched on fervent pan-Islamist ideologies.

In the 1980s, we were distracted towards the western borders but by the time we returned from there, the axioms of freedom fighting were already confused with the rising notions of terrorism in global discourse.

In the past 67 years, we fought wars over Kashmir, ‘morally and diplomatically’ supported insurgencies, held negotiations, signed pacts but the dispute remained unresolved.

For the current generation, the issue of Kashmir has become a nationalistic ritual bearing no real political meanings and hardly representing any emotions. The media too, is fatigued by the unyielding nature of the issue. It does not get a fraction of the attention that it used to in the 1990s. Although attempts are made to revive the rhetoric, the dispute by and large has become too abstract and far-fetched for an average Pakistani.

Our water woes are, however, real and the ones that common people easily relate to and inversely linking these to India can melt the ‘Kashmir glacier’ into another flood of hatred.

Explore:Pakistan's water crisis now at par with terrorism: report

Climate catastrophes are on the rise in number and intensity by any count. Climate change advocates predict a bleaker future for South Asia with the Himalayan glaciers disappearing altogether in the foreseeable future giving rise to floods, erratic rainfalls and a consequent drop in crop yield. Climate change will not only be, and is, hitting the poor the hardest; it will further generate and exacerbate poverty.

So what will our authorities do in such eventuality, besides, of course, blaming the enemy for conniving with the dreadful forces of nature?

Ironically, for a good part of the western Subcontinent, the most fatal climate change catastrophes will originate in Kashmir and these will neither recognise international borders nor any lines of control. The two countries will have no option but to cooperate with each other.

Find out:The tax Pakistan must pay

The present situation, however, offers no hope. India and Pakistan have no record of cooperating with each other even in the most distressed of the times. And I have good reason for being skeptical here.

Kashmir suffered the biggest disaster in recent history, when in October 2005 a massive earthquake had struck the region. The whole world rushed to Pakistan to extend a helping hand. Cooperation between the two neighbors, however, could not go beyond carefully drafted statements meant solely for global diplomatic consumption, just as they are doing now in the wake of current floods.

Teams of doctors flew into Pakistan from as far away as Cuba but those from across the border were not given visas. Pakistan wanted India to lend it some of its helicopters for rescuing people stuck in inaccessible mountainous areas but India wanted its own pilots to fly the machines which Pakistan did not allow. Pakistan wanted India to waive the flying restrictions that was in force in the area one kilometer on each side of Line of Control, India agreed but conditionalised each flight with separate prior approval.

The two countries, however, kept playing to the international gallery. They floated proposals and counter proposals to make it possible for divided Kashmiri families to walk across the LoC and help each other with rehabilitation work. The foreign office functionaries spent days fine fixing the ‘security aspects of the intended cooperation’ and then after a marathon session in Islamabad they announced well past midnight on October 30th to set up five posts to facilitate the LoC crossing by the Kashimiris.

On November 20, 2005, the 43rd day of the earthquake, 24 Pakistani Kashmiris walked back home from one of these posts. They were the ones stuck on the Indian side as the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service was suspended after the earthquake. No one else got the security clearance. So much for the cooperation initiative!

Pakistan and India have time and again failed to surmount their Himalayan egos and when pressed they either busy themselves in non-starter initiatives or hide behind feel good statements to avoid embarrassment at a global level.

They can probably manage to sit over the political issue of Kashmir for another 67 years but what will they hide behind when the climate change catastrophes hit harder? And rest assured, these are less than 67 years away.


Déjà vu: Another setback before the World Cup

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The Pakistani cricket team's tale of suffering started 15 years ago.

That's when Pakistan suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Australia in the World Cup 1999 final.

Four years later, Pakistan entered the World Cup 2003 with the hope of mitigating some of that suffering.

But instead, they were thrashed left and right by South Africa, Australia and India. Following a rain-affected game against Zimbabwe, any lingering hopes of progressing beyond the first stage of the tournament were left shattered.

Bruised and battered, the beleaguered greens now had to wait four more years before getting another shot at redemption. Following the 2003 disaster, several Pakistani stalwarts said goodbyes to their careers. These included the legendary Waqar Younis and Wasim Akram. The pace attack now depended solely on Shoaib Akhtar and Mohammad Asif.

In terms of everything they could deliver, the Akhtar-Asif duo was no less menacing than that of McGrath and Lee. But as fate had it, both star pacemen were captured in a drug scandal merely a few months before the 2007 World Cup. Pakistan Cricket Board imposed a ban on both players, and despite innumerable counter efforts and appeals, the two players could not make it to the national squad for 2007.

Also read:Imran describes doping bans as harsh

Pakistan walked in with a second-rate bowling attack and suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands none other than Ireland. Once again, the greens were kicked out in the first stage of the tournament. Sadly, the defeat took toll on coach Bob Woolmer, who suffered a stroke soon after and passed away.

Then 2011 came. After the last two disastrous campaigns, Pakistan had hoped at first that this time around, the home crowds and familiar grounds would provide the boon they had so long been looking for.

  Indian team celebrates after beating Pakistan during in the World Cup 2011 semi-final in Mohali. — AFP photo
Indian team celebrates after beating Pakistan during in the World Cup 2011 semi-final in Mohali. — AFP photo

But alas! The first shock came in 2009, when a terrorist attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team snatched away Pakistan's hosting rights from it.

Then in 2011, a spot-fixing scandal during the England tour once again stole its two best bowlers — Mohammad Asif and Mohammad Amir — from the squad.

Once again, lengthy bans were imposed. Once again, Pakistan entered the world arena with a much subdued, if not maimed and mutilated, fleet of bowlers. Thanks to sub-continental pitches, spinners did well and the team made it to the semi-finals. But they didn't have it in them to go the last mile.

The reason? Bowlers.

Read on:Aamir, Asif’s presence would have done wonders, says Shoaib

Now, World Cup 2015 is just around the corner. It is the same venue where the tigers roared to world domination 22 years ago. But guess what?

Once again, Pakistan's ace bowler has been taken away from them.

Saeed Ajmal is currently the number one ODI bowler in the world. He has been among leading wicket-takers in ODIs, Tests as well as T20s for three years now. But a few months before the big tournament, the ICC has declared his bowling action illegal and suspended him from bowling.

The surprising thing here is that it isn't just the 'doosra' — every single one of Ajmal's deliveries has been termed illegal.

The decision has kept alive the tradition of Pakistan playing the World Cup without its best bowler.

Appealing against the Saeed Ajmal decision will be a huge gamble. — Photo by AFP
Appealing against the Saeed Ajmal decision will be a huge gamble. — Photo by AFP

The ban has also put a question mark on a stellar career based on 111 matches and 183 wickets at an average of 22.18.

If PCB decides to appeal against the decision, it will be a huge gamble because a rejection could result in an extended ban on the spinner, most likely ending his career.

Explore:Will this be the end of Ajmal?

The biggest question, however, is that even if Ajmal survives this setback, will he be able to perform like before? Will he be able to reverse the atrophy in his recent performances?

The way Ajmal roared back after the semifinal of T20 World Cup 2010 shows he isn't one to let setbacks get to him easily. But if his action doesn't get cleared, then it is safe to say that the five to ten per cent chances of Pakistan winning the World Cup will go all the way down to zero.

We would be marching into the stadium with a toothless lion for a bowling attack.

With bans on other spinners like Shane Shilllingford, Kane Williamson and Sachitra Senanayake, the ICC has made an emphatic statement that it will not tolerate bowlers who use the 'doosra'.

Let the rest of the spinners be warned. They might be next in line.


Related articles:
- PCB refers Ajmal’s case to local bowling committee
- Atif, Adnan likely to be Pakistan’s best bet against Aussies in Ajmal’s absence
- Changing action won’t be easy for Ajmal, says Qadir


Translated by Talha Ahmed from the original in Urdu

The IS behemoth, yet another Western project gone wrong

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It is a typical summer flick, but it holds a great lesson for the global power politics. Hercules, released earlier in the summer, shows how the son of Zeus fights against tyrants only to realise later that he has been tricked into fighting against the good guys.

President Barak Obama must also feel very Herculean. He and other Western leaders supported the Syrian rebels against President Bashar Al-Assad.

The same rebels either amalgamated with, or were overpowered by, al Qaeda militants resulting in the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), a consortium of fanatic mercenaries whose control extend from Syria to the Sunni-majority parts of Iraq.

Compared to these extremists, who are massacring Shias in Iraq and beheading American journalists, Bashar Al-Assad may look like a saint.

The West and the wealthy Arab states jumped into bed with the Syrian rebels to counter the rising influence of Iran in the region. It took al Qaeda fewer than two years to take over the rebels in Syria and march towards Baghdad while it also threatened the Western countries.

From Osama Bin Laden to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi (the self-proclaimed caliph and head of the ISIL), the long list of western supported turncoats suggests that the West has yet to learn from its past mistakes of sponsoring militants who turn against their interests.

Also read:What ISIS and the 'caliphate' mean for Pakistan

It became obvious as early as in 2012 that the Western-backed, Arab-sponsored rebellion served as a rallying cry for al Qaeda militants to reconvene in Syria.

The West supported the Free Syrian Army to fight against the Bashar government. Slowly but surely, the al Qaeda proxies in Syria, primarily the al-Nusra Front, wrestled control from the Syrian rebels. Later, the Syrian al-Nusra Front entered into a formal alliance with al Qaeda and extended its reach from Syria into Iraq, and ultimately emerging as a global threat.

The Western interest in dismantling the Syrian regime was motivated by two factors.

First, the Syrian regime had proven to be a sustained source of discomfort for Israel. Syria supported anti-Israeli elements while Israel maintained its control over the Golan Heights, the territory it ceased from Syria in the six-day war and annexed it 1981. Syria has backed successive Palestinian regimes in their struggle. Even the Hamas leadership has been based out of Damascus.

Second, the recent push against Syria had more to do with the Arab regimes who felt threatened by the rising influence of Iran in the region.

From Iran to Iraq to Syria to Lebanon emerged a Shia-crescent in the heart of the Arab world, which through the centuries has been dominated by Sunni Islam.

This alarmed the Saudis, Kuwaitis, Qataris, and Jordanians, who desperately searched for excuses to break the chain of Shia influence in the Arab heartland. Syria proved an easy target for the reason that the Bashar regime in Syria belongs to the minority Alawite sect that has been ruling over the majority Sunnis.

The Petro dollars, which once helped bring the mighty Soviets down, started to pour into the coffers of Syrian rebels who mounted a formidable challenge to the Bashar regime.

The Western governments either failed to appreciate or were oblivious to the sectarian schisms in Islam that underlined the resistance against the Bashar regime. Already in Iraq, the al Qaeda affiliated groups were active in the Sunni majority region against the Shia-dominated government of Prime Minister Nuri Almaliki.

At the same time, the al Qaeda leadership was in flux. The younger and more ruthless commanders were jostling for control and pushing the veterans out.

In Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi had effectively took over from Ayman al-Zawahiri and placed Abu Omar Al-Baghdadi in charge of al Qaeda in Iraq. Al-Zarqawi and Abu Omar died and the al Qaeda leadership landed with Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi, who has proclaimed himself to be the righteous caliph and set up his control in the Sunni-majority areas in Iraq and Syria.

The Syrian conflict has caused the death of tens of thousands of Syrians. The conflict even saw the use of chemical weapons against civilians. Millions of Syrians are displaced internally and externally.

This, however, did not concern the Western countries.

Apart from lukewarm concerns expressed against the rise of al Qaeda's influence in the conflict, the plight of Syrians in the prolonged conflict did not force the Western countries or the Arab sponsors to reconsider their stance.

Even when the ISIL marched into Iraq, captured several towns and dams, and slaughtered hundreds of captured Shia soldiers, the West did nothing to reconsider their support for the Syrian rebels who had, albeit unwillingly, helped empower al Qaeda in the region.

This, however, changed when the ISIL beheaded two Western journalists. The gruesome videos of their beheadings by ISIL militants suddenly rung alarm bells in Washington, DC, Ottawa and other European capitals.

Also read:Obama calls for international coalition against IS as France, UK weigh strikes

It was not the death of thousands of Syrians or the plight of millions of displaced Syrians, but the unfortunate murder of two Westerners that made the West reconsider its support for the Syrian rebels.

That the mighty Hercules could be tricked into fighting for the wrong side should serve as a reminder to the Western leaders to know their history and geography before they engineer coups.

It is not the first time, and is unlikely to be the last, that the monsters created by the Western powers returned to haunt them.

Cult Pakistan - II: Sound and Vision

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Continued from Cult Pakistan - I: Forgotten mysteries, bygone strangeness & odd folk


Cult Hit:A cult film/TV show, also commonly referred to as a cult classic, is a work of ‘art’ that has acquired a cult following. Cult hits are known for their dedicated fan-base and a subculture that engage in repeated viewings and exist just beneath the conventional mainstream scene.


Cult TV


Such Gup (1973-75)

In an era when John Cleese, Terry Gilliam, Eric Idle, Terry Jones, Michael Palin and Graham Chapman had begun to redefine comedy shows on TV through BBC TV’s Monty Python's Flying Circus (1969-74); writer, actor and university lecturer Shoaib Hashmi decided to create a local version of Monty Python for Pakistan Television (PTV).

When Hashmi unveiled Such Gup (Truth & Fib) in 1973, Monty Python had already bagged a dedicated cult following in the UK by satirising and parodying British society, politics and the bureaucracy through sardonic sketches that were absurdist, non-linear and almost anarchic in nature.

Such Gup did the same in the Pakistani context, using a highly minimalist set, stream-of-thought humour and on-the-spot improvisations, as it parodied the social idiosyncrasies of Pakistan’s urban middle-classes of that time.

Within a year, Such Gup managed to bag a dedicated following and viewership among sections of Pakistan’s middle-classes (especially in Lahore and Karachi) and became a particular favourite of college and university students.

Such Gup ran for almost two years and was soon replaced by another Hashmi-penned sketch show, Taal Matol which used exactly the same format as Such Gup.

A popular 1974 ‘Tichkan Tootie’ sketch from Such Gup

Hashmi and his wife, Saleema Hashmi (painter, teacher, actress and daughter of famous progressive Urdu poet, Faiz Ahmed Faiz), were banned from performing on PTV in 1979 by the reactionary military dictatorship of General Ziaul Haq.

Zia (who had come into power through a military coup in July 1977) blacklisted a number of actors, writers and directors from working for PTV. His regime believed these artists were ‘communists’ and supporters of the government Zia had toppled.

But a number of young men and women who were part of the core team of Such Gup went on to become famous TV actors and actresses.

Such Gup also influenced the making of one of Pakistan’s most popular comedy sketch shows, Fifty-Fifty (1978-84).


Dada Dildada/Quratulain (1975)

One of the most loved TV serials to appear on PTV in the 1970s was Aik Mohabbat Soh Afsaney (One Love, A Hundred Stories).

Written by intellectual and playwright, Ashfaq Ahmed, the 13 plays that he scripted for this series celebrated the liberal signs of the times and the sense of freedom and experimentation exhibited by the middle-class youth of the period. But the bottom-line of almost each and every play was always a plea to balance modern notions of liberalism with the country’s traditional religious lineage.

Though on the surface, that may simplistically read as a plea for moderation, the real problem was deeper: nobody was quite sure exactly what this traditional religious lineage even constituted.

Pakistan was (and is), a diverse population of various ethnicities, Islamic sects and sub-sects; so much so, that one’s ethnic roots matter more than the generalized concoction of a singular brand of faith – as proven by the Bengali nationalist movement in former East Pakistan.

Ashfaq’s balancing pleas emerged from his self-professed Sufi disposition, and since for a while he was a supporter of ZA Bhutto’s socialist initiatives, Ashfaq had to rip into the ‘hypocrisies of the modern bourgeoisie’ before advising a balance between modern materialism and traditional spiritualism.

The above example is clearly visible in one of his most potent plays that he wrote for the series. It was called Dada Dildada (The Hearty Grandfather). Directed by Muhammad Nisar Hussain, it’s a story of a loving and liberal grandfather and his favourite young grandson who (with his long hair, charming personality and liberal ideas), is the stereotypical 1970s middle-class Pakistani youth.

The grandfather loves to drink (mostly whisky), and the family is happy radiating within the comfort of their liberal bourgeoisie cocoon, until the grandson falls seriously ill. The helplessness of the liberal belief system is then ‘exposed’ when the doctors fail to cure the grandson and the family (especially the doting grandfather) start to crumble.

Ashfaq alludes to the fact that the glue keeping the family happy and together (materialism), was of superficial quality because it had detached the family from its more spiritual moorings.

In a scene inspired by Mughal Emperor Babar’s sacrificial undertaking – in which to save his son Humayun’s life, Babar is said to have given up alcohol – the grandfather prays to God that his life be given to the grandson, and for that, he is willing to give up drinking.

The grandfather then enters the grandson’s bedroom where the young man lies dying. There the old man starts to walk around the young man’s bed until he is exhausted and sits on the edge of the bed. The next thing we see is the young man opening his eyes. He is cured. But when he approaches the grandfather, the old man is dead.

The man who played the grandfather did not appear on TV again and the grandson (played by youthful TV star of the 1970s, Zafar Masood) died tragically in a car accident (in 1980).

Zafar Masood in a 1973 play. Popular with the youth in 1970s, he died young in 1980.
Zafar Masood in a 1973 play. Popular with the youth in 1970s, he died young in 1980.

Another outstanding (and still remembered) play from the series was Quratulain. It tells the story of a young, carefree man, who has a socialist bent of mind and is a follower of Sufism. Though his father is an industrialist and often makes fun of his son’s idealism, both father and son are extremely close.

The young man has a beautiful girlfriend (Quratulain) who loves him deeply but wants him to become a bit more mature and practical. When the couple agree to marry, the young man decides to join the Air Force. But after he goes for a medical examination, his doctor tells him that he is slowly going blind and that there was no known cure for his illness.

A scene from 'Quratulain'

The young man does not tell this to anyone and in fact pushes away his girlfriend, telling her that he does not love her anymore and that she should get married to another man.

In shock and confused, she finally breaks away and gets married to another man. After a while, she visits the young man’s father who tells her that his son suddenly vanished after he broke his relationship with her and nobody knows why he did that or where he is.

The stunning discovery at the end

In the last scene, the woman is visiting a Sufi shrine with her husband when she stops to buy some bangles from a faqir (spiritual vagabond). The faqir turns out to be her former beloved. He now has long hair and a rough stubble and has gone completely blind.

When he holds her hand to put the bangles over her wrists, he realises who the girl is. He panics, gets up and runs away, leaving behind the bewildered woman and her surprised husband. But the expression on the woman’s face gradually turns from that of shock to that of an albeit tragic sense of closure.


Baleela (1979)

Though Zia came in power in 1977, Shoaib Hashmi was not immediately banned by the Zia dictatorship. Hashmi managed to script, act in and screen a drama serial in 1979 called Baleela.

He was allowed to do so because he had pitched it as an entirely non-political serial about a house occupied by a lazy family that maintains its slacker life-style by selling off parts and pieces of a vintage 1950s car that it owns. The family calls the car, Baleela.

The serial was to run for 13 episodes but was suddenly discontinued and taken off by PTV after only a handful of episodes.

An older and wiser Shoaib Hashmi in 2000s.
An older and wiser Shoaib Hashmi in 2000s.

It took some time for the censors to realize that Baleela was not exactly the harmless, trivial story about an indolent family living off scrap metal.

According to the censors the play was a ‘symbolic attack on the Zia regime’; the lazy, pleasure-seeking family was the military regime and Baleela was Pakistan being sold piece by piece by the members of the regime, to keep them fat and rich.

Some surviving footage from 'Baleela' that was aired on a PTV show in 2005.

The play also introduced actors Asif Raza Mir and Shahnaz Sheikh, both of whom would rise to become star actors in the 1980s.

Baleela became one of the first TV plays to be banned by the Zia regime.


Fifty-Fifty — the Shervani sketch (1979)

Influenced by Shoaib Hashmi’s Such Gup (1973-75), young director and producer, Shoaib Mansoor, got a handful of talented stage comedians from Karachi and launched Fifty-Fifty– a comedy sketch show that used the same minimalist format first introduced on Pakistani TV screens by Such Gup.

But unlike Such Gup, Mansoor attracted a much larger audience through concentrating on parodying the more populist quirks of Pakistani society and by using everyday Urdu spoken on the streets and markets of Pakistan.

Fifty-Fifty became a huge mainstream hit and ran for a good seven seasons. It often managed to dodge past the Zia regime’s strict censor policies by avoiding making any political comments. Instead it ferociously mocked and satirized the social consequences of the regime’s many draconian laws.

Some members of the core Fifty-Fifty team with Shoaib Mansoor in 1979.
Some members of the core Fifty-Fifty team with Shoaib Mansoor in 1979.

For example, apart from parodying things like the collapse of the country’s film industry, cricket and hockey defeats, the bureaucracy and corrupt cops, the show also began to satirize the effects of the Zia government’s ‘moral dictates’.

One stand-out sketch in this context was called the ‘Shervani sketch’ (1979). It mocked the Zia regime’s orders to PTV stating that anyone on TV should only be allowed to appear either in kameez-shalwar or a shervani.

In response, Fifty-Fifty prepared a sketch which shows that after the order is given, PTV realises that it only has one shervani in its wardrobe. This one shervani then becomes vital and is now to be used by actors, newscasters, talk show hosts (etc.) – all at the same time!

Fifty-Fifty: The Shirvanee Sketch (1979)

PTV censors had initially disallowed the sketch to be included in the show because supposedly it not only mocked the regime’s ‘noble moral pursuits’ but also made fun of ‘decent clothing.’

Mansoor managed to get the sketch included but the night it was aired, the Fifty-Fifty team received a call directly from Zia who thought that the shervani should not have been made fun of. But to the relief of Mansoor and his team, the dictator concluded that he had actually ‘enjoyed the clip.’


The Amarnath knock-out (1978)

There are numerous iconic sporting images that have cut across Pakistani TV screens and into our memories: Pakistan winning the 1982 Hockey World Cup; Miandad hitting the winning last ball six against India in 1986; Pakistan cricket team lifting the 1992 Cricket World Cup; and many more.

But before all these there was the ‘Amarnath knock-out’ – an image taken from a 1978 Test match between Pakistan and India at Lahore’s Qaddafi Stadium. PTV had begun to cover Test games more elaborately and during this game, a young 25 year-old Imran Khan was bowling with great pace on a green-top wicket.

One of his bouncers lifted sharply and hit Indian middle-order batsman, Mohinder Amarnath, on the face. Amarnath went down and the thirty-thousand or so people sitting in the stands roared and chanted (in Punjabi) ‘Hik aur, hik aur' (one more, one more!).

Imran downs Amarnath in Lahore (1978)

The image was constantly repeated by PTV in its ‘propaganda war’ against India and became iconic for a number of young boys, some of whom grew up to become fierce quick bowlers for the Pakistan team in the late 1980s and 1990s, namely Wasim Akram, Waqar Younis and Aqib Javed.


Jaydee

In the mid-1970s author, satirist and poet, Athar Shah Khan, created a uniquely funny and at the same time tragic character called Jaydee. He first introduced him in a 1975 PTV serial, Intezaar Farmaiyey ('Please Wait') and then again in 1976 in another series called Hello Hello.

Both the series turned Jaydee into a popular character. Played by Shah himself, Jaydee was a homeless vagabond who (in both the plays) ended up staying in middle-class homes torn by domestic strife.

Jaydee was always in a crumpled raincoat, a torn tie and circular glasses; and he claimed to be a double PhD in English. Very little is known about his past. He is extremely clumsy and is always trying to prove that he is highly educated by speaking a rather hilarious version of English concocted from using immediate English translations of Urdu words and terms.

For example, in Hello Hello he constantly refers to an old-aged women called Chaachi Gul Badan as ‘Aunty Flower Body.’

In his bumbling ways, Jaydee actually ends up solving the domestic problems of the houses he has managed to stay in. But in both the series, this hilarious and good-natured fool dies tragically.

A scene from 'Hello Hello' (1976).

Jaydee turned Athar Shah Khan into a TV sensation. But when Shah tried to further cash-in his newfound popularity by writing some serious plays, the plays flopped. In fact, by the early 1980s, Shah almost vanished from the small screen and so did the memories of Jaydee.

Athar Shah Khan tried to revive the character on PTV in the 1990s but the generation of TV viewers who had turned him into a cult hit in the 1970s had moved on and the new generation could not relate to Jaydee’s peculiar humour.


‘Bata by choice …’ (1987)

The late 1980s saw the initial makings of a Pakistani pop scene that would become a vibrant industry in the 1990s before fading away. Even before the demise of General Ziaul Haq and his dictatorship (August 1988), sections of young urban middle-class Pakistanis had begun to challenge the cultural restrictions imposed by the Zia regime.

Forming pop bands was one way of doing this and one of the first in this context were the Vital Signs in 1987. However, the same year, a similar impact was created by a TV commercial for Bata shoes.

Made by Interflow Communications, the commercial (and especially the jingle) became an immediate cult hit! No Pakistani jingle had achieved the status of a hit pop number before, but this one did; so much so that at one point young Pakistanis were listening to the audio recording of the jingle in their cars and Sony Walkman.

The jingle and imagery of the commercial – mainly inspired by 1980s pop music and fashion (Duran Duran, Wham, Maddona, A-Ha, etc.) – became a cult sensation and can actually be seen as an accurate reflection of the ‘newness’ that had begun to emerge in the country’s then nascent pop culture and urban cultural pursuits.


Cult Cinema


Insaan Aur Gadha (1973)

Directed by actor and producer, Syed Kamal, Insaan Aur Gadha ('Man & Donkey') provided the slapstick comedian par excellence, Rangeela, his first major chance to exhibit his comic talents in a more meaningful manner.

The film is a social commentary on the economic and political exploits of man against man. Kamal does that through the tale of a donkey who, after being mistreated by his owner, prays to God to turn him into a human. God does exactly that and the donkey transforms into a human (Rangeela) who (rather hilariously), retains some of the behaviourisms of a donkey!

Rangeela is extremely funny and convincing in his role and his performance helped turn the film into a box-office hit. The cult aspect of the movie, however, was provided by a scene in the film that ended up offending the then prime minister of Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

In this scene, Rangeela is seen making a passionate and revolutionary speech to a gathering of donkeys. Though both Kamal and Rangeela were supporters of Bhutto’s populist and left-leaning Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Kamal had nevertheless decided to include a symbolic scene which satirised the demagogic style of Bhutto’s speeches.

The speech scene

The scene was pulled out from the film by the censors after it begun to generate comments in the Urdu press, but in 1975 when the film was re-released, the government allowed Kamal to reinsert it.


Dulhan Aik Raat Ki (1975)

By the mid-1970s, the screening of British and American ‘Adult films’ in Pakistan had turned into a very popular outing for young middle-class Pakistanis and couples. By 1974-75, cinemas (especially in Karachi) that had signs saying ‘For Adults Only,’ were doing a roaring business.

Karachi’s Rio Cinema and Palace Cinema became known for running such films. These films were mainly low-budget American romantic farces in which nudity scenes and sexual content were allowed to be shown by the censors, thus the tag: ‘For Adults Only’.

Inspired by the times, director Mumtaz Ali Khan helmed Pakistan’s first Urdu ‘Adults Only’ film. It was appropriately called Dulhan Aik Raat Ki (Bride for One Night).

Starring the ‘Charles Bronson of Pakistani (and Pushto) cinema,’ Badar Munir, the film was a meat fest of quivering female bodies and muscular, hairy-chested men.

Amoral and unapologetic in its gaudy, blood-splattered setting, the film tells a story of kidnapping, honour and revenge. The movie gave birth to the prototype of the Pakistani cinema’s angry-young-man.

Rough stuff: Badar Munir and Musarat Shaeen in
Rough stuff: Badar Munir and Musarat Shaeen in 'Duhlan Aik Raat Ki'

Badar Munir’s angry role was quite unlike that of Indian cinema’s angry-young-man of the time (Amitabh Buchan). Where Amitabh’s role in this context was street-smart, brooding and ideologically charged, Munir’s role was that of a man steeped in the rugged and earthy myths of honour and revenge in rural Pakistan (mainly in the Punjab and the former NWFP).

Munir and friends live it up in the mountains.

The character eventually evolved and was perfected by Punjabi film actor, Sultan Rahi, in many Punjabi films of the 1980s, a majority of them based squarely on the action-packed and sexual formula discovered by Dulhan Aik Raat Ki.


Aurat Raj (1979)

In 1978 actor/comedian and director, Rangeela, began plotting a film that would make him stand out as a film-maker. It was at this point that someone told him about an idea of a short story that famous Pakistani novelist, Shaukat Thanvi, had once mentioned somewhere about a world in which societies were entirely matriarchal.

Original 1979 poster of Aurat Raj.
Original 1979 poster of Aurat Raj.

Excited, Rangeela decided to expand the idea into a film. He signed on a number of the time’s most famous actors and actresses, and completed the film by early 1979.

But the distributers were shocked at what they saw: A scathing satire on male-dominated societies.

The film also parodied the concept of heroes and heroines in Pakistani films and was entirely sympathetic to the feminist point of view.

The film is actually like no other ever made in this country. It sees a repressed wife (played by Rani) married to a flamboyant male chauvinist (played by Waheed Murad) — a man who treats women like objects.

The wife finally puts her foot down and organises a women’s movement in the area. The movement dramatically spreads and mobs of women begin to get hold of oppressive men and beat them up in the streets.

The government intervenes and decides to hold an election to resolve the issue. The election is swept by the Aurat Raj Party, and the women gain political power. Rani becomes the country’s new leader and purchases a special bomb from a foreign country. The bomb is special because after exploding, it turns all men into women!

All (original) women are elevated to the domestic, social and political positions that were once dominated by the males, and the men are relegated to wearing women’s clothes and pushed into occupations and duties that are stereotypically associated with women.

What follows is a hilarious, biting satire that attacks male chauvinism, social conservatism and female stereotypes constructed by the popular media in a patriarchal society.

The film was so visually and conceptually startling (for its time) that the audiences were not sure exactly how to respond. Rangeela went bankrupt.

In a 1990s essay of hers, the well-known TV producer, Shireen Pasha, wrote that some very good films began to flop from the late 1970s onwards. According to her, one of the reasons was a demographic shift in the country’s film audiences.

As the populist and extroverted social and cultural zeitgeist of the decade began to recede and a more conservative mind-set began to take its place, the middle-class audiences of Pakistani films became introverted and stopped venturing to the cinemas.

Romantic and social films began to flop and action flicks became popular. So one can deduce that though Pakistani cinema’s middle-class audiences (that constituted a huge female audience) would have been more appreciative of a film like Aurat Raj, those who actually went to see it belonged to an emerging new audience who had come to watch Waheed Murad as a smouldering Casanova and Sultan Rahi as a muscle man.

But what they got was Murad being beaten black and blue by Rani and Sultan Rahi in a blonde wig, playing the role of a moustached mother-in-law!

A scene from Aurat Raj after the women topple the supremacy of men.

As for Rangeela, he never recovered from the loss he concurred from this (albeit pioneering) cinematic debacle.


Sangram (1980)

When the Ziaul Haq dictatorship accelerated its efforts to ‘Islamise’ the narrative of Pakistan’s creation and raison d'etre (in school text books and state media), director Iqbal Yusuf decided to offer a helping hand.

In an attempt to escape the Zia regime’s ‘blacklist’ (that contained names of filmmakers, actors, actresses, singers, poets and journalists who were to be banned for being ‘against Zia’s moral dictates’), Iqbal helmed a film whose plot and script were almost entirely based on the reactionary narrative which was being developed by ‘historians’ who had backed Zia’s 1977 military coup.

The film takes place in a land where there seems to be nothing but mud brick villages separated by miles and miles of rolling sand. One is not sure exactly what year, or for that matter, what century the story is taking place in, because even though there are no electoral appliances to be seen, there are plenty of pistols and a rickety Jeep driven by an evil Hindu police officer. Yet, there is an abundance of camels too.

Famous film star Mohammad Ali is 'Sangram', a Hindu in a Hindu majority village, most of whose men prefer wearing tight leather pants and shirts made from what seems to be jute.

Ali’s character is a robber, who also has a petite girlfriend (actress Mumtaz) who often turns surprisingly more voluptuous while dancing around Sangram during the songs.

One day, Sangram bumps into a holy Muslim man who looks like a cross between an ancient Byzantine priest and a 20th century Tableeghi Jamaat evangelist.

  The ghostly cleric converts the amused scoundrel.
The ghostly cleric converts the amused scoundrel.

The holy man succeeds in converting Sangram to Islam and renames him Ali – a scene marked by a flash of lightning strike across the night sky on a perfectly sunny afternoon.

From then on, somehow, whichever scene Ali appears in, palm trees can be seen and his girlfriend’s voluptuous moves become drastically understated, but the songs keep rolling.

Of course, like all "good" converts, Ali is aware of his duty to convert his contemporaries whether they like it or not. He gives up his life as a thief, discards his leather pants and takes to wearing the Arab thawb and spending rest of the film on the back of a camel.

After first converting his gang and entire village (through a few emotional speeches and a couple of punches thrown at one of his doubting partners), he decides to lead an army of committed converts (on camels) on a mission to convert the Hindus of all the other villages. This is an unnamed, surreal land populated by bumbling Hindus and a sprinkling of Muslim clerics who seem to emerge from behind sand dunes and then melt back into the sand.

After he is able to convert village after village, and after palm trees begin to dot the scenes one after the other, a time comes when holy Hindu men begin to worry.

The desert lion beats up a South Asian schemer.
The desert lion beats up a South Asian schemer.

They conspire with the area’s police to eliminate Ali. This pushes him into becoming a guerrilla leader. He cuts down the Hindu priests until he is cornered and killed by the cops. But, of course, by then it’s too late.

Only at the end does one discover that the film took place just before the creation of Pakistan, because as Ali lies on the sand dying from his wounds, he looks up to see a Pakistan flag on a fortress. Yes, the symbolism is unmistakable – ‘Pakistan is the fortress of faith’.

As Ali’s character rolls to his death over the sand dunes, it makes you wonder if Jinnah just rolled in his grave.


International Gorillay (1990)

International Gorillay (international gorillas) was perhaps the last Pakistani film that roused some interest in international media.

No, it wasn’t quite Oscar stuff, but it has remained to be a much loved cult classic.

It was a huge hit when it was released in 1990 and has become a favourite of oddball Lollywood aficionados. Directed by eccentric Pakistani film director, Jan Muhammad, the farce was also one of the first Pakistani films to be banned (on video) in Britain.

Although International Gorillay took on author Salman Rushdie as the main villain, the ban on the video was lifted when Rushdie himself stepped in and asked the British censor board to allow its release. Since the film is an epitome of tacky demagogic cinema, one can understand why Rushdie didn’t feel threatened or offended by the content.

According to some Lollywood insiders, Jan’s original plot of the film was a lot wider, revolving around a group of Pakistani mujahideen fighting in Afghanistan. But then Rushdie’s ‘Satanic Verses’ controversy erupted in 1989, and Jan decided to make Rushdie the film’s main villain.

Thus, instead of the 'mujahids' returning from fighting a successful war against atheists in Afghanistan, the film kicks off by presenting Pakistan and the Muslim world in grip of a grave crisis and being swallowed by the evil schemes of a sinister lobby of diabolic men. Rushdie (played by veteran TV and film actor, Afzal Ahmed), is part of the lobby.

The author is shown as leading a menacing social and political onslaught on Pakistan through a gang of anti-Pakistan agents.

With Rushdie are some very South Asian-looking men in curly blonde wigs whom we are told are men working for a secret Israeli agency. And, oh, they all speak fluent Punjabi.

Since Pakistan is the leading defender of the faith, the film suggests that if Pakistan falls to Rushdie’s menacing schemes, so shall the rest of the Muslim world.

Interestingly, Rushdie’s assault on faith includes the unfathomable opening of a chain of casinos and discotheques in Pakistan – despite the fact that nightclubs and bars in Pakistan were closed down in April 1977.

Alas, there is a heroic reaction to such conspiratorial debauchery. In a jarring scene involving some terrible acting and rhetorical dialogue, veteran Punjabi film actor, Mustafa Qureshi, playing an ex-cop, decides to create a ‘mujahid fauj’ (holy army) whose sole aim is to destroy Rushdie and save Pakistan from Jewish conspiracies and, of course, from obscenity too.

The latter is a vital plot tool, giving the director the opportunity to show some lecherous dance scenes without the danger of himself (and the audience) being labelled as soft-porn fans.

Apart from being an Israeli agent and an advocate of gambling, alcohol and free sex, Rushdie is also a master torturer. He torments captive Muslims by making them listen to sections of his book, ‘The Satanic Verses’!

The ex-cop has two younger brothers who are both unemployed (maybe because there are now only casinos, pubs and night clubs to work in?).

To counter Rushdie, the ex-cop inducts two of his younger brothers in his ‘mujahid force.’ After getting combat training, the three-man-army decides to infiltrate Rushdie’s baleful gang by going undercover. And no, they don’t adorn blonde wigs, but slip into Batman costumes instead.

Obviously, who would notice three middle-aged men in Batman costumes, right?

No respite for the wicked: Rushdie sees the light but it slices through him.
No respite for the wicked: Rushdie sees the light but it slices through him.

Two of the brothers, played by known film actors, Javed Shaikh and Ghulam Mohiuddin, were well in their forties at the time, a fact underlined by the wobbling bellies protruding from their Batman costumes.

After making their way into the conspiring gang of anti-Pakistan thugs, the three brothers — with the help of zany reactionary one-liners, karate chops, expert gun slinging and a few SAM missiles — make a meal out of Rushdie and co. and save the day.

What’s more, they even manage to convert Salman Rushdie’s equally evil mistress called Dolly (played by the lovely Baabra Sharif).

  Dolly frolicking shortly before her conversion (and/or acid trip).
Dolly frolicking shortly before her conversion (and/or acid trip).

Voluptuous, wicked, scheming, drunk (and blue-eyed) Dolly finally sees the light after watching middle-aged men in Batman suits obliterate Rushdie.

Dolly’s conversion is quite a scene. Lights flicker, clouds thunder, the room whirls round and round, and the music reaches a crescendo as she weeps, sweats and shakes – it’s as if she’d just consumed a highly potent concoction of LSD and magic mushrooms!

It's certainly my favourite scene in the film.

And, oh, there’s also a shot of a huge palm tree at this visionary moment.

International Gorillay is a stroke of genius when it comes to campy demagogic cinema, and only an idiot can take it seriously as anything beyond being a highly enjoyable cinematic farce with lots of unintentional laughs.

Flabby men in Batman suits are deceived by Salman Rushdie despite the fact that they use the word ‘kuttay’ (dog) over a dozen times.

I'm not a Hafeez fan, but Pakistan needs him now

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He’s made it to the squad, time and again, despite being horribly out of touch with the bat.

He’s frustrated the most dignified of fans by refusing to budge from his preferred opening position and perhaps by being constantly in the ear of his teammates.

Yet, one cannot discount the value Mohammad Hafeez brings to Pakistan with the ball.

And with Saeed Ajmal currently out of commission, the ‘Professor’ may just be starting the most important phase out of his career.

I am not a Hafeez fan by any stretch of imagination. With an average of 80.50 against Zimbabwe, 45.00 against Ireland, 17.75 against Australia, 18.88 against South Africa and 24.68 against England, he can hardly be bracketed among the top batsmen Pakistan has ever produced.

His last ten innings in Tests before he was finally dropped read like this: 18, 0, 5, 16, 22, 16, 11, 80, 21, 1. His ODI numbers have been a tad better, an average of 39.6 in the last innings. He’s decent with the bat, at best.

Also read:Atif, Adnan likely to be Pakistan’s best bet against Aussies in Ajmal’s absence

Of course, Hafeez is not a like-for-like replacement for Ajmal, but it is bowling which has kept him in the side in the shorter forms of the game and that is what Pakistan must heavily bank on now. If Ajmal is not cleared by the World Cup in February next year, Hafeez’s offbreaks become even more vital. He averages 35 in ODIs and 23 in T20s, and has ranked among the top ten in both formats repeatedly in the past two years.

Pakistan captain Misbahul Haq recently said:

“At the moment, we have tried different players as an all-rounder but the problem is that the guys who are good batsmen can’t bowl like that. We want them as a full-fledged bowling option. If we pick players who are good at bowling, we lack batting options. We are lacking quality all-rounders.”

Hafeez is currently the top allrounder in both ODIs and T20s and that’s where his utility to Pakistan really lies. He’s the genuine jack of all trades the team needs.

Wahab Riaz is not that man.

Take a look:Saqlain to help Ajmal correct bowling action

The ideal position for him in the batting order would be number 7, just above Shahid Afridi. This adjustment will mean Pakistan can go in with three genuine fast bowlers or even a fast bowling allrounder.

Again, Riaz is not that man.

If Misbahul Haq, provided he’s retained as captain until the World Cup, brings in a specialist spinner, then, unfortunately, either Hafeez or Afridi must sit out.

Misbah will have two big series, Australia and New Zealand, to test an Ajmal-less attack out.

It is time the ‘Professor’ and Pakistan learn their lessons and become willing to make adjustments in a side which might be without their best player at the World Cup.

A Pakistani revolution of the Optimus Populares

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I keep thinking about the Gracchi brothers. It’s Roman history stuff, so bear with me while I expand on this — I swear there’s a point to it.

Halfway through the next paragraph, your eyes will glaze over and you’ll start switching to the tab with your Twitter feed or your Facebook, or whatever subreddit you haunt. Go ahead, check it and come back. I’ll still be here expounding into the void.

The Gracchi Brothers (a great name for a line of designer men’s togas) lived over a hundred years before Caesar, in the days of the republic. Back then, Rome was run by the senate, which was comprised entirely of aristocrats, who either inherited their positions or bought their way into them.

Sound familiar?

While a member of the plebian class (the average Roman without a great deal of wealth to command) could, in theory, take part in the election, it was priced out of their reach through mass corruption. Everyone got to a position of power through a combination of gross bribery and birthright. And unless you had the money to buy your votes, you were never going to be a contender.

Sounds modern right? You’d think 2,000 years later we’d have a better system in place.

The problem this created was that the entire system — government, economy, military service, land ownership — all got manipulated so that they only benefited the aristocracy. The plebeians got cut out of everything, and they discovered they really had no avenues of approach to voice their complaints. Or rather, they could voice them, but just not loud enough to be heard.

Into this vacuum stepped Tiberius Gracchus, the rich son of a politically powerful family, with all the aristocratic heritage needed to guarantee a cushioned seat in the senatorial ranks. Except, he didn’t take that seat.

Instead, Tiberius snubbed his rich and powerful peers and got himself elected to a position that represented the interests of the plebs. Then, he used that position to demand genuine changes in the system that would create equality and limit senatorial control.

It should come as no surprise that he was clubbed to death by his senatorial opponents not soon after.

His brother, Gaius, took up the bloodied baton and also appealed to the masses, using their popular momentum to propel himself against the senatorial elite and demand the same fixes to the broken and corrupt system that his brother had.

He was chased out of the city and had to commit suicide to escape a violent and painful death.

In the end, however, it was too late for the senators. The fuse that the Gracchi brothers had lit, sparked its way through many other populist leaders. Each one was put down violently by the entrenched powers and each subsequent one evolved a thicker defensive hide (usually made up of supporters) and a more aggressive offensive approach (usually also made up of supporters).

In the end, after civil wars and enough dead Romans to choke the Tiber, the system was damaged irrevocably and the fixes came too late. Rome went on for many centuries as an empire, but the Republic was too fractured to continue.

That’s all historical fact. We know it happened, but that’s not what interests me. The part that I like to wonder about is why it happened.

Why did the Gracchi brothers take up the cause of the suffering masses?

Was it because they were empathetic to their fellow Romans?

Or, was it because they realised it was another way to gain power and prestige?

Republican Rome was a notoriously competitive society, in which exceptionalism was the demand placed on every individual. In games like that, the better players soon realise that cheating gets you closer to the top ranks, than the slow and inexorable route prescribed by tradition.

Were the Gracchi brothers motivated by a need for attention and power, or because they wanted to see equality and justice? And even more importantly, does it matter? Should actions be judged by the intentions behind them? The grievances they spoke to were legitimate, even if their personal objectives more selfish.

So what’s this got to do with Pakistan?

If you made it this far into my thesis, the rest should be fairly straightforward.

Do the intentions motivating Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri change their goals?

Should they? I don’t know.

I think with Imran Khan the motivations are an interesting blend of personal ego and genuine idealism. I think anyone who doubts that Tahirul Qadri is a self-serving fraud is smoking some truly potent stuff that I’d love to try some time. I also think the entire current crisis has to do with the fact that neither man is willing to sit another five years on the sidelines and that impatience is what is causing this preemptive demand for a fresh election.

But it doesn’t matter what I, or anyone else thinks, because the argument they make is indisputably valid.

Also read: ‘Contained’: Imran, Qadri protest to the same tune

Claiming that the previous election was free of rigging and corruption is silly. Most of the columnists and opinion-makers issuing such claims these days were just as vocally pointing out the rigging during the election. They have all developed convenient amnesia now because they can’t quite bring themselves to admit that just because Imran Khan and TuQ are saying it, doesn’t make it wrong.

The protesting duo are right in that the system is horrendously corrupt and Nawaz Sharif probably stuffed more than a few ballots to get back into the Prime Minister house. Just because the truth comes from a place you dislike, doesn’t make it any less honest.

What worries me is where this will go.

There is a standard template for these sorts of populist sit-ins. It starts with the protest, then there is a violent response to the protest, then there is either an overthrow of the government necessitated by the violent response, or a retaliatory punch-counter punch dynamic settles in, which leads to an eventual civil war.

Sometimes that initial violent response against the protest is discovered to be fabricated by outside forces hoping to escalate the confrontation (army, other political parties, CIA wanting compliant governments during the Cold War, etc.). Other times it’s caused by stupid leaders making stupid decisions. PML-N showed themselves predictably capable of just such stupidity during the Model Town incident, although they’ve managed to rein in their baser instincts this time around (so far, anyway).

If, however, violence does break out and Imran Khan is hurt or worse, then things will escalate very quickly. So far, the mass of middle class supporters, the PTI’s real power which the other parties don’t have access to, has sat at home. They’ve limited their protests to online trolling and gone about their day jobs. But if they are motivated to take to the streets in anger, then Pakistan could see some truly uncontrollable violence again.

I personally don’t think it’ll come to that. I think Nawaz Sharif has copied a page from Asif Ali Zardari’s playbook and decided to just look the other way and pretend none of this is happening. It’s how the governments have always dealt with the pleading relatives of massacred minorities, and Baloch activists.

It seems unlikely to work though, only because both Imran Khan and TuQ have staked their reputations here.

TuQ might slink away, burrowing under his container until he tunnels his way through to the Canadian Embassy, but Imran prides himself on his stubborn refusal to accept defeat. He might change his attitude if some face-saving concession is offered, but either way this’ll probably drag on for a while if the current approach continues.

However, the slowing pace of confrontation seems to speak to the main weakness in this protest.

I began by detailing the Gracchi brothers because I wanted to raise the question of whether intentions affect the purity of the demand. It’s a philosophical question that I have no easy answer to, but I do think it’s worth considering.

Do we want Tahirul Qadri to end corruption in Pakistan, if it means he gets greater authority over our lives?

But the other lesson to be taken from the Roman brothers is that both were attacked by the entrenched powers, because the changes they demanded were a direct threat to that entrenchment. They weren’t going after a single leader or a single political party, but the entire structure of leadership and all the major political parties.

The current protests in Pakistan, however, are being tolerated because they are focused on the PML-N. They do not demand any genuine alterations of the system that might take resources from the elite and redistribute to the masses.

Tahirul Qadri’s charter is vague and generic enough to not really be worth anything. Imran Khan only wants a re-election. Neither is asking that those with authority and control relinquish any of that same authority and control.

The Gracchi’s were ‘Populares’, in that their every action favored the people. The opposite of the ‘Populares’ in Rome were the ‘Optimates’, those who sought to increase the power of the senate elite and suppress autonomy of the plebs. You were either one or the other, and usually the former gained strength and prestige from the intensity of reaction presented by the latter.

The more the guys in-charge hated you, the more the guys below loved you.

Pakistan’s current revolutionaries are somehow managing to be both Populares and Optimates at the same time, which means they aren’t a threat to the system overall.

It makes me think that even if there is a re-election and the PTI wins the seats it realistically should have in the last election, and somehow Tahirul Qadri manages to fool everyone into installing a container in the Prime Minister house (you’re a fool if you think he’ll settle for anything less), things won’t change overall. In fact, they might stay disappointingly similar to how they currently are.

There is one other aspect that bears watching though. Every Roman populist after Tiberius and Gaius learned from the lessons presented by history. One was stabbed when he left his house, so the next didn’t leave his house. That one was murdered in his quarters, so the next one ran away from Rome altogether. They formed gangs to protect themselves, then ran gangs in the street to preemptively attack their opponents and detractors. On and on, until Julius Caesar came along and decided the only way to truly achieve populist goals was to march an army on Rome and declare himself dictator for life.

What, I worry, will be the lessons learned by the next generation of populist agitators in Pakistan?

Will they see that playing the democratic game only gets you a rigged election and a morose, borderline farcical sit-in at the Red Zone, but it also keeps you alive?

Or will they decide the prize is worth the risk and gamble for complete power by breaking the system entirely?

Whatever it is, and whenever it happens, we’ll have to decide what is more important — the motivations driving the change, or the change itself.

Sectarian killings: Blood and division on the streets of Karachi

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Karachi is the city of death for many; the poor die here, the hapless and the penniless, the diseased also perish and political activists are popped off regularly.

The bodies from these daily killings pile up at the city’s morgues; awaiting burial and if no one comes, they are wrapped in shrouds and buried by social workers. They are also forgotten.

In the midst of so much random killing; the killing for a cell phone, the killing for a parking spot, the killing for ransom and for enmity and for money, it is difficult to tell when a targeted killing has occurred.

Indeed there may be no better way to hide premeditated murder than to hide it within the ranks of random killing, of which Karachi, the city of death has a surfeit.

Editorial:More sectarian targets

The ruse has worked well, as lawyers, doctors, clerics, shopkeepers, students - all Shia, and all targeted by bullets intended for them - have fallen.

The city seems barely to have noticed.

According to a press conference held by the Majlis-e-Wahdatul Muslimeen in Karachi’s Soldier Bazaar Area, 160 Shia have been killed in the city this year, despite a military and police combined operation to crack down on the extremist groups that have made this their agenda.

They have included five lawyers, five doctors, five engineers, three professors and 21 traders.

The series of sectarian deaths come in spurts. This, most recent series began about a week ago, when on Saturday evening, Shia cleric Allama Ali Akbar Kumaili was shot dead. He had been going home with his children. From the shower of bullets directed his way, two found their way to his chest and one to his abdomen. He died at the scene.

Then on Wednesday, Dr Maulana Masood Baig, also a cleric (whilst not Shia) was shot dead in North Nazimabad. He had been driving to pick his children up from school when he was met with a barrage of bullets. He too, died at the scene. A Ph.D scholar, his dissertation had been entitled “Islam’s Philosophy of Brotherhood and Tolerance”. In a Karachi deeply ensconced in hatred, it seems, the propagators of such learning are destined for death.

In the midst of these two more high profile killings, and before and after, others more ordinary met their deaths.

On the Friday before Allama Kumaili’s death, gunmen opened fire outside a shop in North Nazimabad and killed a shopkeeper. On the same day as Maulana Masood Baig’s death, Imran Ali who was sitting outside his television repair shop was also killed by unknown gunmen. According to a spokesperson from the Majlis-e-Wahdat ul Muslimeen he had been involved in organising mourning processions for the city’s Shia community.

The killings are not expected to stop.

There is neither enough outrage from those untouched among Karachi’s population, or any real political will, nor sufficient capacity among law enforcement to stop the war.

Also read:In Islamabad, more sectarian killings in past year than preceding decade

In the thin skinned layers of conflict that stretch over the city, isolating one set is not considered possible, police do not even attempt it, and Islamabad conveniently ignores it.

At the same time, sectarian killing, its perpetuation and primacy connects it to a larger global threat that is ransacking the Muslim world and filling its streets with dead bodies.

The recent ascendance of ISIS and their global, public and bloodthirsty rampage against the Shias in Iraq is undoubtedly whetting already seething sectarian tensions in Pakistan.

This particular strain of local killings in Karachi, lining up bodies in its morgues, connects then to a global blood lust, whose seeds are sown, are germinating and growing in Pakistan’s largest city, without anyone at all to stop them.

Not being dead is a victory for Balochistan's journalists

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To say that Pakistani journalists are under attack is an understatement. They are lucky if not assailed or killed.

Beyond the veneer of prime time television shows that many think constitutes ‘journalism’, there are thousands of media workers at risk. They are endangered and pressured by state agencies, political parties, militant networks and mafias, which share a common goal: suppressing information and muzzling those who dare to dig facts.

Comrade Irshad Mastoi and his two colleagues join the ranks of slain journalists who were targeted for their profession; this is unacceptable in a country that is ostensibly governed by a constitution.

Editorial:Journalists’ murder

I never met Mastoi but followed him on social media and occasionally, we communicated. His views were ‘dangerous;’ and he never refrained from expressing them.

Mastoi was a working journalist for 14 years and before his murder was also the Secretary General of the Balochistan Union of Journalists (BUJ). The killers, who remain at large, shot him dead along with an intern Abdul Rasul and an accountant of the news agency bureau that Mastoi was heading in Quetta. Mastoi was also affiliated with the ARY News and frequently wrote for vernacular and English papers.

That the murderers could enter into a news agency office located in a busy area of Quetta speaks volumes for the impunity with which such attacks are carried out.

Mastoi was 34 and his associate Rasul was a student at the Media and Journalism Department of the University of Balochistan.

What is the message for journalists and those who aspire to adopt this profession?

Pretty dire.

Explore:Journalists under attack

Pakistan’s treatment of journalists is shoddy at best. With the outsourcing of geographical control to militant networks, several journalists have been attacked in Pakistan’s conflict areas, with Balochistan topping the list.

Global media watchdog, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in its 2014 report highlighted that Pakistan had become one of the most insecure countries for journalists.

The 2014 report of the Committee to Protect journalists (CPJ) stated that 44 journalists were killed in Pakistan during the last one decade. CPJ has also documented that an additional 12 journalists were killed in “unclear circumstances” during the same time. In terms of impunity the country ranks ninth in the 2014 impunity index issued by CPJ.

In 2013, eight journalists were killed and this year the toll rises as Mastoi was the sixth to be silenced.

Prior to his killing, Mastoi was tweeting about the ongoing assault on Pakistan’s democracy. Earlier, he had been writing about the plight of Balochistan, its besieged population and the utter failure of state agencies to discharge their duties.

His writings highlighted the thorny issue of enforced disappearances in the province, which has invoked a severe response for many other journalists too. The most well known case is probably that of Jang Group’s Hamid Mir. He has joined the longish list of ‘traitors’ who dare to question the policy on Balochistan.

Also read:Pakistani journalists under siege: Amnesty International

There is a dark history – and an equally murky present – when it comes to journalists working in Balochistan. Since the reawakening of the Baloch separatist movement after the murder of Nawab Akbar Bugti in 2006 and the subsequent security operations, the security situation in the province has deteriorated - with journalists being at the center of this conflict.

A 2013 CPJ report ‘Roots of Impunity’ has documented almost all the attacks on journalists throughout Pakistan. It makes for a sobering read and highlights the perils of working as a journalist. But it is Balochistan where a shamefully long list of murders alarms and more so as almost all remain unpunished.

In 2008, Chishti Mujahid, a longtime columnist associated with Akhbar-i-Jahan was shot dead. Reportedly, the banned Baloch Liberation took the responsibility as they viewed Mujahid to be against the Baloch nationalist cause.

In 2009, Wasi Ahmad Qureshi of Daily Azadi and Balochistan Express was shot at in Khuzdar, Balochistan. After battling for his life for a few days he died at a local hospital. It was said that the separatists launched the attack but no evidence to that effect came into public domain.

Mastoi’s death reminds one of another gruesome murder that we have forgotten. Lala Hameed Baloch working for Daily Intikhab was killed in 2010 and his body was found near Turbat. He was first missing for days and was reportedly abducted on his way to Gwadar.

Why, one would ask, is killing the only answer for disagreement?

Intikhab was also sympathetic to the Baloch National Movement, but with the toleration of so many anti-state insurgents, the selective treatment of certain groups shows that some insurgents are more equal than others.

Last year, the courts had stopped journalists from reporting on the banned groups in Balochistan. This only created more worries for the local reporters as they face pressure to project the views of the separatists. For years, the authorities have allowed the transmission of views of other banned outfits such as the Pakistani Taliban and the violent sectarian networks. This is why such strictures from the state compound the situation and raise questions on its intent and policy.

Sectarian outfits have also shaken Balochistan with their open hate mongering and acts of violence, which have targeted Hazara Shias and Zikris in recent days.

A suicide bombing in Quetta killed Arif a cameraman from a TV channel in April 2010, while Ejaz Raisani from Samaa TV also died in a similar suicide attack in September. Raisani was reporting when a suicide bomber blew himself up at a Shia rally. The explosion left 70 people dead and 200 injured. A driver, Mohammad Sarwar, working for Aaj TV also lost his life.

In 2011, lyas Nizzar, affiliated with Darwanth was found dead in Pidarak. He had been ‘missing’ earlier. In the same year, Muneer Shakir of Online News Networkand Sabzbaat TV was also killed in Khuzdar ironically on August 14th, Pakistan’s Independence day. Thirty-year-old Shakir was also sympathetic to the Baloch cause according to his colleagues. In Turbat, Abdost Rind – a freelance reporter - was also killed by unknown assailants in 2011. Once again, he was considered an activist for the Baloch nationalists’ cause.

Razzaq Gul of Express TV was tortured and killed in 2011. Javed Naseer Rind an editor and columnist with Daily Tawar was kidnapped and a few months later was found dead in December 2011.

In 2012, Abdul Qadir Hajizai working for WASH TV was shot dead in Quetta on May 28, the anniversary of Pakistan’s detonation of its nuclear bomb in 2008. The Baloch Liberation Front, later claimed responsibility accusing Hajizai of being an ‘informer’.

Also in 2012, Abdul Haq Baloch of ARY Television was murdered in Khuzdar. Reportedly, he was on the hit list of a militant group for being an advocate of the missing persons’ case pending before the courts. Another journalist Rehmatullah Abid, a reporter for Dunya News and daily Intikhaab was also murdered in Panjgur during 2012.

Those intimidated, harassed are not listed here.

Also read:Reporting Under Threat: The story of journalism in Pakistan

Not being dead is a victory in today’s Balochistan if you are a journalist. Worse, there is little or no hope of prosecuting the killers, let along sentencing them.

Most deaths of journalists go unpunished as a norm. This is the price our media has to pay for keeping the torch alive.

Mastoi and the long list of slain journalists will continue to haunt Pakistan’s future.


How Nepra is adding to Karachi's energy woes

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Like every other Pakistani, I have always wondered who to blame for the energy crisis in Pakistan. Of late, the federal government has provided strong reasons to suggest it's them.

K-Electric Limited — the now privatised entity which powers a city of 20 million people — has been wanting to convert its two power plants from oil to coal. But for some incomprehensible reason, National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (Nepra) keeps delaying the approval.

It's important to understand that unlike other developing countries, Pakistan’s energy mix is mainly dependent on hydro and thermal generation (gas and furnace oil).

Over the last several years, cheap domestic gas has been depleting and as a result, reliance on imported furnace oil has been increasing to meet the country’s growing energy demand. Expensive generation on oil, depreciation of rupee, lower recoveries from consumers have created the thorny circular debt issue.

Also read:K-Electric bosses ordered over-billing, says Nepra

Soon after coming to power last year, the Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz government released Rs 500 billion to energy firms and as part of National Energy Policy 2013, asked a few IPPs to convert their plants from oil to coal.

Nepra is the sole authority that autonomously regulates the electricity system, with the promise to protect the interests of investors and consumers.

Interestingly, while the federal government tiptoes from one political crisis to another, Nepra has continued to cause millions of losses to the customers by thwarting the development of projects seeking conversion from oil to coal.

With its sheer incompetence, the regulator body has been testing the nerves of Pakistan and foreign investors, some of whom stand ready to start the work.

Below is a list of the major benefits of converting existing furnace oil units to coal — and these are benefits as much for the consumer as for companies,

  • Reduction in generation tariff from Rs 17-18/kWh to Rs 10/kWh

  • Increase in foreign exchange savings through reduced furnace oil imports

  • Increased level of foreign investment in the energy sector

  • Lesser construction time (two years instead of four years for new plants)

  • Higher availability of power as compared to existing units due to fuel availability

  • Lesser air pollution, as sulphide and nitride production is lesser, compared to emissions from furnace oil

The situation right now:

Independent Power Producers (IPPs) such as Hub Power Company Limited, Lalpir Power Limited, Pakgen Power Limited and Saba Power Company Limited had shown commitment for the oil-to-coal conversion of their plants (with cumulative capacity above 2,000 MW) more than a year ago.

But owing to Nepra dragging their feet on finalising policy guidelines, these companies are unable to initiate the projects.

Read on:K-Electric rejects Nepra’s allegations

Recognising the importance of coal well early, KE started working on converting its furnace oil-based generation to coal-based generation way before the federal government even introduced coal conversion in the National Power Policy, 2013.

Sources confirm that an engineering, procurement and construction contractor − China’s Harbin Electric International − has been awarded the contract of conversion. Environmental approvals for the project have alson been obtained, and multiple private equity investors stand lined up for the project.

KE, in other words, is at an advanced stage of undertaking the coal conversion project.

K-Electric in a spot of bother:

Then what stands in the way? Well, Nepra does.

Informed sources suggest that KE has been pursuing regulatory approvals with Nepra for over a year now.

Nepra records embarrassingly highlight that although the application for license was admitted almost five months ago, the regulator continues to sleep over it. Quite interestingly, the hearing called for the license in the first week of September had been quite brazenly adjourned without any reason submitted whatsoever.

Khawaja Naeem, Nepra’s member from Punjab (and friends and family of the current federal government leadership), categorically committed to granting generation license and tariff-line within 10 days of admission. Nepra's rules also say that no more than two months will be taken in the process.

Pakistan’s apex trade body, the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FPCCI) also extended its much-needed support to KE’s plan.

That compels one to think: Why the delay then?

To most of us energy sector professionals, the issue seems more and more like the sad old Karachi vs Punjab lobby problem.

Take a look:KE making huge profits at consumers’ expense, Nepra hearing told

Is the delay occurring because the project will serve Karachi only?

Is it because KE is a privately owned utility and is performing better than the government-controlled entities?

I believe only Nepra can respond to this.

The cost of delay:

Simple economics suggest that furnace oil-based generation (Rs 17/kWh) is almost twice as expensive as coal-based generation (Rs 9-10/kWh).

The bill for power generation runs in tandem with the bill of power consumption — the bill you pay!

Although the K-Electric conversion project (420 MW) is only a component of its total capacity (3000 MW), Nepra's inefficiency essentially translates into extra electricity cost for many, if not all consumers.

In terms of foreign exchange savings, basic calculations say the K-Electric conversion project (420 MW) will save around $ 300 million per year. Imagine the savings from the conversion of 2000 MW of IPPs waiting for the policy decision from Nepra.

The five-month delay has already cost the consumers $100 million in direct savings; and that's without including the loss due to lost output in Pakistan’s biggest industrial hub, Karachi.

This is beyond a common man’s comprehension. For me, Nepra’s behaviour is not just illegal, it is criminal.

Fighting the IS: Holes in the game plan

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The fight against militants of the Islamic State group may have an unintended consequence: further widening the Shia-Sunni divide.

Aware of this possibility, the United States has formed a coalition of Middle Eastern nations to combat IS, which includes key states like Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Jordan and the only Arab Sha majority country of Iraq.

The United States also has distanced itself from the Syrian government, which is headed by a leader strongly opposed by Syrian Sunnis, President Bashar al-Assad.

Also read:Obama spells out strategy for combating IS militants

Instead of helping the Syrian government to eliminate the Sunni-dominate IS, the United States wants to raise a force of moderate Sunni opposition fighters to replace the militants.

The purpose behind this exercise is to convince the Syrian Sunnis that the proposed US-led military offensive is being launched only to eliminate IS. There is no plan to subdue the country’s largest sectarian group, the Sunnis.

By including Iraq, the United States is also trying to convince the dominant Alawite minority that their interests will also be protected.

If the United States succeeds in achieving its targets, the plan will have a very positive impact on the entire region.

The Syrian people will be the immediate beneficiary of this success, as it would allow them to live peacefully in a multi-sect state where interests of each group can be protected.

It can also allay the concerns of Shias in Lebanon and Iraq who fear that a Syria run by Sunni religious extremists can create many problems for them.

Saudi Arabia and Egypt will also benefit from this situation.

Both have Sunni militants within their ranks and understand that an increase in militants’ influence in Syria can tilt the balance of power against them as well. Saudi Arabia will also be able to protect its religious and tribal interests in Syria without strengthening the militants.

But this win-win situation for all is too good to happen. What’s more likely is that this fight may degenerate into an ending war with no clear winner.

If this happens, it will create new fragmentations within the Arab world, pitching various religious sects and ethnic groups against each other.

The region’s non-Arab actors, such Turkey, Iran and the Kurds, may also be sucked into this conflict.

The Kurds may take advantage of this situation and establish a sovereign Kurdish state, which will be opposed by all three major ethnic groups in the region, Arabs, Iranians and Turks.

This divide will have huge impact on the entire Muslim world where Sunni and Shia groups may line up each other. And for the first time in modern history, we may actually see Shia and Sunni armies fighting each other.

To avoid this extremely dangerous situation, the US-led coalition needs to go beyond a military offensive and work out a comprehensive plan for winning over hearts and minds.

To do this, they will first have to offer a counter-narrative to the concept of an Islamic state.

Also read:The IS behemoth, yet another Western project gone wrong

The Islamists’ desire to create an Islamic state is not new. But what distinguishes the group that calls itself the Islamic State is its total rejection of existing state borders.

Religious movements in the greater Muslim world – which stretches from North Africa to the Far East – have long desired such a state. But groups like Jamaat-e-Islami or the Muslim Brotherhood have tried to establish this state within the boundaries of the country they are based in.

The Islamic State group is different.

It first declared its intention to establish this state in Syria and the Levant, which also includes Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine and part of Turkey.

Then, it expanded the boundaries of the Islamic state to include the entire Muslim world and also changed its name from the Islamic State of Syria and the Levant to simply the Islamic State.

The Muslims have always believed in a religious utopia, a state in which all Muslims will be able to lead a peaceful and prosperous life under the guidance of the Shariah. But the concept received a boost in the 20th century when major Islamist scholars – like Maulana Maududi and Syed Qutb – gave a new definition to this concept.

They also formed political parties to implement this concept.

In Pakistan, the Jamaat-e-Islami opted for parliamentary politics for creating an Islamic state. Although it never went beyond single digits in gathering votes, the Jamaat has had a major impact on the educated middle class, particularly students.

In Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood opted out of politics after the Egyptian government killed its key leaders and supporters. It returned to the arena during the Arab uprising and won the 2012 elections but was forced out of power by the Egyptian military in July 2013.

Unlike the Islamic State group, the Brotherhood and Jamaat also produced literature, defining what their proposed Islamic state would look like and how they want to achieve this target.

Also read:What ISIS and the 'caliphate' mean for Pakistan

The Islamic state they want to create will be controlled and run exclusively by Muslims. The head of such a state must also be a Muslim, an adult male who has not actively sought the post.

The ruler should be “the best among the believers,” both in piety and competence, and will be tasked with implementing the Shariah. Non-Muslims may hold non-sensitive posts in this state, but must be "rigorously excluded from influencing policy decisions."

The ruler is to be selected, appointed, or elected through a consultative process and should run the affairs of the state in consultation with a body called the Majlis-e-Shura.

The Islamists argue that Islam does not favor any particular method for selecting such a leader except that the candidate should not seek the post.

Although the proposed Majlis-e-Shura will have the powers to legislate, it cannot make laws that contradict the Shariah. The ruler will have the power to accept or reject the Shura’s opinions and judgments.

The Shura will deal with four kinds of legislation: interpreting Shariah, making laws where the Shariah is silent, making laws based on ‘qiyas’ and making inferences from general principles.

The Islamic State will also be responsible for establishing an interest free economic system.

Also read:ISIS is no Taliban

The concept, however, never received popular support among Muslims and is vigorously opposed in the West as well, where it is seen as a challenge to the existing world order.

Unlike the old Islamists, the Islamic State group lacks an intellectual narrative and that’s why its appeal among the Muslims is even smaller than that of the Islamists.

The movement is a direct product of the half-hearted, and half-successful US military campaign in Iraq and also of America’s reluctant attempt to change the present regime in Syria. Washington abandoned this plan when it realised that Muslim militants dominate the groups battling the government.

Saddam Hussein’s removal allowed Iraq’s Shia minority to claim governance but it also disenfranchised the country’s Sunni minority. In Syria, where the Sunnis are a majority, the groups battling the Assad regime felt betrayed.

This allowed al Qaeda affiliates, including the IS, to recruit thousands of volunteers, willing to fight Syrian and Iraqi militaries, as well as the United States.

The IS is the most violent among this group.

The methods it used against its opponents, such as beheadings, generated much fear in those two countries but remained unnoticed by the rest of the world until the IS militants captured a large piece of land in Iraq. After seizing the Sunni-dominated areas in Iraq, the group moved to the country’s Kurdish region and made major gains against the Kurds as well.

The victories forced the United States to have a closer look at this new threat and Washington used airstrikes to push back the militants.

The group’s violent nature has also been noticed outside the United States, particularly in the Middle East, forcing old foes to make new alliances to combat this threat.

In the Middle East, two such enemies, Saudi Arabia and Iran, are now backing a new government in Iraq that might unite Sunnis and Shias to battle the Islamic State movement.

Recently, Saudi and Iranian diplomats also held a rare meeting to coordinate their efforts.

Turkey ignored its long opposition to Kurdish separatists and allowed Kurdish fighters to combat IS militants in Iraq.

Turkey, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Jordan have also joined the US-led alliance against the IS militants.

Also read:Key Arab states join military campaign against IS

Russia too appears willing to back any militant operation the United States may launch against these religious extremists.

The IS also has annoyed other militant groups working under al Qaeda’s umbrella, such as the Nusra Front, which is now combating IS militants in Syria.

All these developments show that it is not difficult to unite both Shia and Sunni sects against the militants if the newly formed coalition succeeds in offering a counter-narrative to the Islamists’ concept of a Muslim state.

A military defeat of the militants is possible even without a counter-narrative but such a victory will be impermanent. The militants may re-emerge with more vengeance.

Debating the dharna: No country for nuance

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As yet another political crisis brews in Pakistan, political discussion and arguments steam through it.

Emotions are high, and arguments equally heated and intense.

For most Pakistanis, any political support must encompass all positions of a party, regardless of personal agreement or disagreement. In other words, support means complete, uncritical and unconditional allegiance; otherwise it's not support.

Either every aspect of that figure, institution or idea has to be backed, or every one of it has to be opposed and hated.

This is no country for nuance.

More on the topic:What is 'naya' in Naya Pakistan?

The political turmoil has pitted PTI right against the PML-N, and any argument tending to oppose Imran Khan’s stance is boxed as Noora support for Nawaz Sharif. Conversely, any support for PML-N — the institution of government and the state — is support for a corrupt Pakistan.

In the midst of all this, one isn't even allowed to acknowledge Asif Zardari’s political acumen and the success of Machiavellian politics without being labeled a jiyala praising PPP’s lacklustre performance.

Suffocation. Congestion. Revolution.

Political opinions, no matter how independent, are refused the luxury to be received without suspicion of political loyalty lurking underneath. Dichotomy, like cancer, has blown up discourse into a monster and everything civil seems to have drowned inside it.

Arguments can now only be bitter and brash, and conversations are incomplete without the usual derogatory words among which are jahil, youthiapatwari, noony, anti-Pakistan and even beghairat.

Relations are publicly souring on social media platforms and in lounges and drawing rooms, as civil dignity gets trampled by highly-charged political self-righteousness.

Of course, any support for a party must be based on solid, logical reasons and if it indulges in socially, ethically or politically reprehensible pursuits; it must be condemned. Pakistan’s interest, not personality cults, must direct party support.

But in the current atmosphere, no word against the saints of Raiwind and Bani Gala is brooked.

Read on:Imagine a different Imran

Blind allegiance is making people blind. Things continue to be seen in either black or white. Binaries rule right now and you have no option but to pick one of the two as 'the side you're on'.

As far as issues around women go, any perspective that challenges conservatism on female education, attire or career is characterised as ‘modern’ or ‘liberal’, with negative connotations.

General Zia’s toxic legacy of Islamisation reigns supreme, as people consider any interpretation of Islam apart from their own to be heretical. Even 50,000 slaughtered Pakistanis later, the polarisation and fanaticism continues to manifest itself in our society.

Ideological propaganda continues to indoctrinate students of Pakistan Studies.

History and culture keeps being distorted. The propaganda has been internalised so well and by so many that they now form the very framework of our national discourse. And, any attempt to challenge them is undermined, ignored or haughtily discarded into the dustbin of 'liberal-fascists', 'Westoxified Pakistanis' and 'RAW agents' etc.

All of this spells our penchant for turning into radicals.

Polarisation is not merely a disappointing national phenomenon, it is a dangerous one. After all, it is polarisation which breeds parochial, intolerant mindsets by shunning debate and discussion.

It is one, big, sad picture of intellectual insulation.

Take a look:Why are matters of faith beyond discussion?

The lack of respect for opposing views has created a hostile, suffocating environment for all the people wanting to be heard, understood and respected. This might explain why many segments of the nation such as the Baloch, the Pakhtuns, religious minorities, et al are misunderstood. They are either never heard or their voices hushed to silence.

Arguments and discussions (within the boundaries of civility) are keys to a more pluralistic, open society; and the very heart of democracy itself, which is why polarised attitudes are like cancer at the very heart of Pakistan.

As the state transitions through challenges, so must the people.

Let's, for once, discard the binaries 'good' and 'evil'.

Let's criticise and learn to be criticised.

A flood of wrong moves

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As widespread flooding devastates large parts of Punjab, the PML-N government is playing the victim and asking Imran Khan and Qadri to postpone the ‘dharna’ and help with the flood relief, while different government departments are busy pointing figures at each other for being caught off guard yet again.

The floods actually have nothing to with Imran Khan and Qadri and everything to do with the PML-N government’s own incompetence. In fact, once the floodwaters recede, as they will inevitably, PML-N needs to sit down with its experts and do some serious introspection.

All over the world, climate change is now recognised as a serious problem; in fact, it is considered one of the biggest challenges of the 21st century.

Secretary General of the United Nations, Ban Ki Moon, is currently busy inviting heads of state and other global leaders to a special climate summit in New York to be held at the end of September, where he would like to see governments make “bold pledges” to fight climate change.

Explore:Rains, floods kill 280 across Pakistan: NDMA

Recently, UN’s World Meteorological Organisation warned that the amount of atmospheric greenhouse gases reached a new high in 2013, driven by rapidly rising levels of carbon dioxide.

“We know without any doubt that our climate is changing and our weather is becoming more extreme due to human activities such as the burning of fossil fuels”, says the WMO.

We, in Pakistan, might not be contributing much to the earth’s warming as our emissions are negligible on a global scale, but we are certainly suffering when it comes to the impacts of climate change.

In Pakistan, the link between global warming and flooding has become more than apparent as the country continues to face devastation year after year during the monsoon season. And scientists tell us that in the topsy-turvy world of climate change, rainy seasons will get rainier, while dry seasons will tend to become drier; floods and droughts will become more frequent.

Earlier this month, most of northeast Pakistan received over 350 mm of rain due to the onset of a high intensity late monsoon weather system, resulting in widespread flooding and deaths.

The government of Punjab has now declared an emergency in 21 districts that are directly hit by flooding in River Jhelum and especially in River Chenab.

Why different government departments weren't prepared this year, is the question on everyone’s mind.

Read on:Disaster compounded

According to climate expert Dr Qamar-uz-Zaman Chaudhry, who is the former Director-General (DG) of the Pakistan Meteorological Department and lead author of the National Climate Change Policy (NCCP):

"The Met office’s forecast was on the lower side (for the late monsoon rains) and I think their interpretation of the climate data was questionable... Anyhow, the Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) during the monsoon season, whatever the forecast, is to prepare for all contingencies."

Clearly, there were no SOPs in place, even though Pakistan has consistently appeared as one of the top three countries most affected by climate-related disasters since the super floods of 2010.

That should have been a wake up call for any new government coming into power in Pakistan, but instead, when the PML-N government took over the reigns of power in 2013, they decided to demote the country’s federal Ministry of Climate Change to a division and cut its budget while shelving the National Climate Change Policy.

PML-N’s stated focus was on the three Es; Energy, Economy and Extremism, completely ignoring the tremendous climate risk (and consequently, economic risk) Pakistan confronted.

And is it really wise to invest in coal power at a time when most of the world is moving towards clean, renewable energy?

Also read:Who cares about Jhelum-ravaged Jhang?

The PML-N's questionable moves effectively put aside years of work done on climate change by top experts in the country.

Back in 2009, a task force of experts set up by the government to advise them on the impact of climate change in Pakistan told the government:

“It is projected that climate change will increase the variability of the monsoon rains and enhance the frequency and severity of extreme events such as floods and droughts.”

Recommendations called for the “sufficient expansion of large reservoir capacity… and development of capacity to deal with disasters like floods.”

The task force’s report formed the basis of the country’s first National Climate Change Policy. When it was launched last year, some critics had described it as a “wish list”, but the fact remains that it was written after detailed consultations with all provinces and territories, and provided a framework for further action.

According to Dr Chaudhry, the policy has to be implemented immediately: “We need to get everyone involved, we have to adapt and mitigate and we have to start soon."

He points that we cannot blame the current government for not doing anything, as two months ago, they approved a Rs 1.25 billion grant from the Japanese government to install a high-tech flood early warning system (one of the recommendations of the policy). This project will be implemented soon by the Met office to improve their current warning system.

Explore:Modern temples

There's really no excuse for the government to avoid further action. Neighbouring countries like Bangladesh and Nepal have all come up with climate change action plans which are being implemented.

What Pakistan really needs are SOPs for disaster-risk reduction right down to the district level, like in Bangladesh where they have FM radios advising people about flooding and people know exactly where to run to for safety.

In fact, climate experts in Bangladesh proudly say they have now “disaster proofed” their country.

In Thailand, there is a link between the Meteorology office and local farmers. Pakistan, too, could benefit by connecting farmers to existing knowledge (about changing weather patterns). There are also insurance schemes in many countries that protect farmers from drought.

The last four years of continuous flooding has had a long-term impact on our farmers’ ability to produce food and they are in need of the most help. We are primarily an agrarian economy and instead of building metro bus systems and flyovers, the PML-N should be investing in our farmers’ future and making Pakistan more resilient to climate change.

Histories forgotten: The crumbling tombs of Talpur Mirs

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The Hyderabad which fascinates me is the one that once was, not the one that is now.

It’s only when you look closely and cross the thin portals into the glorious Hyderabad of before that you realise what this city truly holds behind its current facade.

Way back in 2004 I learnt about these old tombs in the city through a friend. Obviously, I was more interested in their obscurity then.

Explore:The Talpur tombs

It took me quite a few years to finally visit the place — January of 2012, to be precise.

I have been a frequent visitor since.

The tombs are located adjacent to the Jail Road in Hyderabad. Though there’s a board placed at the start of the lane which leads to the complex, it is becoming increasingly easy to miss it with all those banners people keep pasting over it.

Upon entering the lane, there is a metallic gate right up front. A hundred steps or so and you’ll be standing next to it.

A board on the right placed by the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan will confirm that you have indeed reached the complex of the Tombs of Talpur Mirs.

The Talpur Mir tombs are commonly known as Kubbay (Sindhi for tombs). Once inside, you’ll see two giant tombs, and a few smaller ones. There are some other graves too without any sort of covering. Sadly, there are no names marking any of these graves.

The Talpur family has hired a caretaker who supposedly maintains the complex.

Used by local youngsters to play cricket during the day, and by drug addicts and drifters for resting in the night, the complex lies in ruins.

Read on:Did you know Burnes Road was named after a British spy-doctor?

The tombs that were once complete have fallen into a state of complete disrepair over the years. However, with the appointment of the caretaker, the complex is only open till 4pm for visitors. This has at least curbed the vandalisation.

Talpur Mirs started there rule here, after they defeated the Kalhora dynasty in the battle of Halani. The conflict finally came to an end after Mughal emperor Akbar Shah II issued a firman (order) in year 1783. The firman declared that Mir Fateh Ali Khan Talpur was the new Nawab of Sindh.

The end of the Talpur reign arrived when they lost the battle of Miani in the year 1843 against the British forces, led by General Charles James Napier.

The tombs reflect the distinct architecture associated with Sindh in those days. The color and the shape of the domes and everything else appear to be in perfect harmony. Quranic carvings on the walls and on the graves leave lasting impressions on the mind long after.

Some of the tombs also carry striking sculptures on them.

However, once inside the tombs, you’ll quickly realise the extent of the decay. The walls appear to crumble and disintegrate at the slightest touch.

The tombs tell a wondrous tale, one of historic resilience.

They speak quietly of all that has evolved around them. They tell all that they have witnessed.

It is important for us to realise the worth of our heritage, and how recklessly we’ve been handling it for this long.

A lot of us are even willing to forget. The Pakistani authorities and citizens alike need to ascertain that we don’t by restoring the complex.

Let us not move into the future without ensuring that the past is realised.

The toms in 1900. — Photo courtesy of the British Library Archives
The toms in 1900. — Photo courtesy of the British Library Archives

Should Pakistani entertainment cater to India?

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I was once approached by a producer for making a movie.

The prevailing notion was that we need to make something that sells well in India. The producers were willing to go to any lengths to ensure that outcome; from hiring Indian actors to outsourcing key production tasks. This got me thinking:

Bollywood already makes their own blockbusters, so why would they patronise what would, at best, be our tribute to them? We already have such talented individuals in our own country; why outsource?

Waar is the most lucrative movie in Pakistani history and not a Bollywood blockbuster.

Why not try to replicate that success instead?

Explore:Hassan Rana talks Yalghaar, Shaan and future of Pakistan's cinema

To be clear, this is about introspection, not hate. It's about learning, and to that end, I ask you: should Pakistan be making entertainment primarily for Indian audiences?

Our content is slowly becoming India-centric with each passing iteration, simply because we are gaining traction there.

Zindagi Gulzar Hai was picked up for regular telecast. Our actors work there frequently, our musicians have been popular there for decades now. So, does that mean we have to modify our content to suit their seasoned tastes? Should we not be giving them something different to digest instead of the same drudgery they can just source locally?

If only the answer was a simple binary choice. One cannot peel away all the layers of history within a single article, so I won't even try. However, money is as real today as it was in 1947, so let us look at it from a strictly business perspective.

India has a population of just over 1.25 billion. For such a massive audience, even 10 per cent penetration generates more business than the Pakistani average. It makes perfect sense to market (even pander) to that region.

For the same outcome, we should put serious efforts in making our content more commonly available in China, even a tiny portion of those accumulated eyes on our product will be more than what Game of Thrones does on a good day.

Also read:Is 'Bulbulay' bad for comedy?

The cardinal rule of business is that you don’t turn away a paying customer. If any country wants our content, it should be sold happily — there can’t be any limitations there.

However, they remain a secondary market. Our primary market is Pakistan. If we prioritise the secondary market, our content will lose traction in the primary market.

To simplify, we cannot hope to sell a product in any international market if it fails to succeed locally.

But what's happening is that producers and writers are creating bipolar content: content that has shifted focus to generic situations that translate well across the border featuring the likes of atypical relationships and oh so much crying; trumping content pertinent to Pakistanis on a personal level.

To put it into perspective, imagine the immensely popular Turkish dramas turning into something akin to Humsafar and Bulbulay.

That is very unlikely because these shows are designed to generate business in Turkey. Whatever business they do here is a bonus. India might be a huge market, but it is still just that — a bonus.

In recent times, everyone from Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, Adnan Sami Khan, Junoon and Ali Zafar built their personal brands first. They did not start out by creating music specifically for India. They created original content that made such a huge impact it was felt over the border.

Read on:Welcome 2 Karachi: Bollywood’s take on the City of Lights

With regards to cinema, our films are rapidly anchoring themselves to what are rather disjointedly named as “item songs”.

In the meeting with the aforementioned producer, there was talk of hiring an international studio for CG work, even though there are studios in Pakistan which had successfully worked for illustrious projects like Spiderman 3, Tomb Raider, Discovery Channel, Audi Ad campaigns to quote a few examples.

One’s identity should be a matter of pride, especially when catering to the whims of Pakistani audiences has proven profitable in the past. Content creators should not water at the mouth so voraciously at the prospect of taking it across the border that they end up trampling our own audiences to get there.

We have spent a lifetime cultivating our own identity, and fickle as it's often made out to be, it does exist.

When we refuse to take ownership of it, others impose their presumptions. If we work harder at pleasing the world over ourselves, we risk losing both.

And that would be really bad for business.

Protesting for Pakistan: Why change can be dangerous

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The hunt for a saviour never ceases in Pakistan.

The journey from Malik Ghulam Muhammad to Dr Tahirul Qadri is beset with coups, treachery, partition, regrets, hypocrisy, and lost lives. The shifting loyalties and whims of countrymen are elusive and as confounding to the ardent readers of history as to a perfunctory observer.

Having endured multiple coups and breaking of assemblies, one would expect of the people to be extremely sceptical of any more messianic orators.

But that's not the story.

They continue to be inexplicably excited about revolutionary rhetoric. Bizarrely, ours is a nation which distributes sweets at the beginning and end of every government.

More on the topic:More, not less

Multiple hypotheses may be drawn from these repetitions of adventures:

One, as Asghar Khan puts it, is that we never learn from our history.

Second, that people want change, and they do not care what avenue the desired change comes from.

And third, that Pakistanis are an impatient lot and get bored quickly — too quickly for their own good.

Our refusal to learn from history is evident from the way the same blunders are being committed again in the national and provincial arenas, as well as in the definition of foreign policy.

Despite the previous two Nawaz-led governments being dismissed because of hubris and unsolicited squabbles with institutions, the current government did little to dissociate itself from the past.

The ridiculous remarks passed about political opponents by some cabinet ministers, the army being dubbed ‘ghulail walay’ (carriers of hand catapults), and the lack of attention given to the just demands of opposition until they came to head are strong indicators of that.

Also read:PTI will not support unconstitutional measures, SC told

But does that mean resorting to extra-constitutional measures such as ‘Inqilab’ would provide the panacea we need?

In a choice between expedient and proper, we keep favouring the expedient, and we keep sticking to our choice despite our past suggesting against that choice.

That the luminaries in Pakistani politics are deaf to the dictates of history is only one aspect. The lessons are also lost on the awaam which, with watery eyes, falls for promises of change by demagogues every time.

Change in itself can be dangerous. It needs assiduous assessment and long-term planning, and no resort to revolutions as we so often yearn. David Gregory Roberts had remarked in Shantaram:

"Some of the worst wrongs were caused by the people who tried to change things."

Stalin and Hitler may spring to mind immediately, but Zia and the nationalisation of Pakistani industries in Bhutto’s era are not far removed from the above assertion. These gentlemen tried to avert the system a little too quickly, and see where we stand today.

Warning of the same dangers, Kenneth Minogue had described the consequences of revolutions in the most apt terms:

"No moth ever flew into the flames with more enthusiasm than the revolutionary. Revolutions have turned out to be what drug users called a bad trip."

Observing the way notable revolts after the American Revolution — including the French, Russian and the Iranian revolutions — spelled out, the obsession with such immediate resorts seems to be nothing more than mere infatuation.

If the intent is the well-being of people, then there is no sturdier bulwark of it than the democracy; allow it to flourish, let it dwell. Patience. Patience stout heart.

Unfortunately, our nation lacks this virtue. Galen Rowell, the American mountaineer, after his visit to Pakistan, had shrewdly described it as ‘a country in a hurry to go nowhere.’

Explore:Debating the dharna: No country for nuance

Such is our plight that we look for shortcuts in all matters of life. A fine example of this may be seen in the fast paced and discourteous traffic on roads. Cars speed up when the light turns ember and speed limits are crossed religiously. What good use those few seconds salvaged at considerable risk could be put to, is a riddle for anyone to answer.

The political classes of the country have ascertained this fatal flaw. It is thus no surprise that Tahirul Qadri and Imran Khan have held the country’s capital hostage after merely a year of the formation of government. They seek radical reforms whose implementations should necessarily have been more closely dwelt over.

If deadlines were meant to be adhered to, might one summon the audacity of reminding Imran of his promise of rooting out corruption from the system within 90 days of coming to power? Or is Khyber Pakhtunkhwa not a big enough stage?

Besides, why do people not question the impossibility of such deadlines?

A well-articulated notion states, ‘If it is too good to be true it usually is’.

Do not believe the quick fix solutions. The need, instead, is to re-evaluate our own mindsets and to allow the slow but sure process of evolution to run its due course.

Revolutions may sound like exhilarating prospects on the outset, but they are bloody affairs.


How many disasters does Pakistan need to focus on climate change?

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Against the backdrop of the current political deadlock in Pakistan, many other important issues affecting thousands of people have been sidelined.

The media is all eyes and ears for the fiery speeches, debates and discussions in the power play, and the awareness definitely plays an important role in stabilising the situation.

But what about the section of the populace greatly affected and displaced by the current war in north west Pakistan and the floods?

At least 193 people have lost their lives and 164 injured across Pakistan during floods in the first week of September. The overflowing rivers are wreaking havoc on already frail infrastructure in many regions in Pakistan.

Read on:Sindh prepares for looming flood

According to the National Disaster Management (NDMA) report, 28, 538 people have been affected in Punjab and Azad Jammu and Kashmir.

The number of people displaced by floods at this moment is still unknown. Sadly, even catastrophes of this magnitude can’t bring our politicians together and prioritise these issues.

Just a glance at the record of floods from 2010 to 2014 shows how major a threat monsoon rains currently are. Surprisingly, in the 2010 floods, the number of individuals affected exceed the total of individuals affected by the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004, Kashmir earthquake in 2005 and the Haiti earthquake in 2010.

And the loss of lives is not limited to the figures or numbers reported every time in the media.

How many more red flags do we need to realise that climate change is an issue which affects all of us?

It is sad to know that globally, the people most affected by climate change are the ones who are least responsible for it.

Perhaps that's why we're so resistant to the climate change alarm, which sits comfortably amidst us as we go about our agendas with the 'business as usual' approach.

Take a look:Chenab now torments south Punjab

There is near-universal agreement among activists that efforts to limit carbon emissions have failed miserably, and that failure doesn’t come because the movement has embraced the oxymoron of “sustainable growth” or because it needs to work more closely with the business community. Rather, it's because climate change activism is not challenging the key invisible narratives that drive our civilisation.

Being part of the Rio+20 UN Earth Summit held in Brazil, I can say that the willingness to acknowledge the threat and act accordingly is lacking.

Now with another UN Summit on climate crisis in September, it is hoped that meaningful action will be taken. We have had enough talks sitting comfortably in the past behind closed doors.

Earlier talks have ended mostly without reaching any important conclusion or an action plan. It should be more than just about choosing an exotic destination, inviting world leaders and activists to talk. We have had enough talks and it is no rocket science that we are destroying the biodiversity which allows nature systems to work efficiently.

It is time to take action if we want the seven billion people living on this planet to live with finite resources. No amount of funds can save us if we keep on destroying and polluting the soil, water and air which keep us alive.

Read on:Sindh prepares for looming flood

The People’s Climate March to be held on September 21 aims at gathering hundreds of thousands of people in the streets of Delhi, New York, London , Berlin, Rio de Janeiro and Jakarta; and pressure world leaders who will be gathered for the UN Secretary General’s Climate Summit to take action on global warming.

This is the largest mobilisation in the history of climate change and it wants to send a strong message to the world leaders — it is time to take action.

“People from across the planet will be making sure that leaders gathered in New York know the demand for action comes from every corner. This is the first truly global problem, and it has spawned the first truly global movement,” says Bill McKibben, co-founder of 350.org.

In Pakistan, the issue of climate change is often sidelined and replaced with more “important issues”, without the acknowledgement that the social, economic and political issues are all intertwined.

The earthquakes, the floods, the energy crisis, the rising temperatures, the unavailability of clean drinking water — are these not 'important' enough problems? Or is it just that we choose to stay aloof?

Also see:A flood of wrong moves

Recently, most Pakistanis rejected the hypothetical UN Study based on a conjectural 9.0 magnitude earthquake in the Makran Trench (a meeting point for Arabian and Eurasian tectonic plates, off the coast of Pakistan). The study stated that Karachi, home to around 18 million people, could be wiped out by a tsunami if something like that happens.

Karachi experienced a tsunami in the past too. In 1945, around 4000 people lost their lives to it.

Instead of being sceptic about it, it is time to take aggressive measures to counter climate change. We are already seeing and feeling its effects.

Let's not shut our eyes to it.

In Italy: The art of doing nothing

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Having lived in the US for almost 17 years, I very well know the taste of synthetic, engineered, hormone-injected, antibiotic-infused and preservative laden food.

Which is precisely why, anytime I travel out of the US, the authentic flavour of world cuisines is something I actively seek out. And, Italian food is on top of that list.

There is nothing that describes Italy like, Il bel far niente, roughly translating to 'the art of doing nothing'; something the Italians know how to accomplish to perfection, taking along tourists on the same ride.

Sitting under the Tuscan sun, as I ate my pesto pasta, overlooking the green hills and the quintessentially Tuscan cypress trees, I understood the age-old Italian saying, this has to be it. The art of doing nothing.

Under the blue sky, living the laid back country lifestyle. This is how food is meant to be savoured! The bruschetta is an Italian classic – the bread is soaked in olive oil and has the perfect topping of tomato, basil, salt and garlic; the taste of summer on a toast.

 Bruschetta under the Tuscan Sun.
Bruschetta under the Tuscan Sun.
 The province of Tuscany.
The province of Tuscany.

A day-trip to the Cinque Terre in the Liguria region led me on a delightful journey of taste and sight. Cinque Terra is a string of five fishing villages sitting atop the Italian Riviera.

 Cinque Terre.
Cinque Terre.

Beautiful beyond belief, unique beyond imagination, the first village welcomed me with the smell of fresh focaccia bread. The Italian baker offered me spinach and olive focaccia, flat oven-baked Italian bread fresh out of the oven.

I picked up three bottles of Italian olive oil from outside the focaccia bakery of course and exchanged phone numbers with the baker, a good baker is hard to find; especially if he is Italian. It was at this point in my Italian adventure that I decided to embark on the `Tuscan cooking tour’ on the recommendation of my Australian companions. A must do!

The next afternoon found me in the medieval town of San Gimignano, home to the best gelato in the world. Master Dondoli is said to be a legendary ice cream maker, and the Gelateria Dondoli is always extremely busy.

 The world
The world's best gelato.

With a chocolate gelato in hand, I soaked in the feel of the authentically medieval town; all we needed was a change in costume to blend in with the terracotta walls of the ancient city. It stood in time, somewhere in the Middle Ages, far beyond the realm of reality.

 Strawberry tart.
Strawberry tart.

I left the city of Seina smiling, and it had to be the taste of roma tomatoes on a margarita pizza. Needless to say, there is no better pizza in the world than the one in Italy. Whatever it is that we call pizza beyond the borders of Italy, is a step-cousin to the real thing.

The flavour, the thin crust, the organic ingredients are all an expression of the people themselves.

 Terracotta in San Gimignano.
Terracotta in San Gimignano.

My Italian holiday definitely climaxed in the water city, nothing pars the magic of Venezia. What does one say about Venice, the city speaks for itself, it sings, it dances, it is pure magic.

 The Grand Canal, Venice.
The Grand Canal, Venice.

As night approached St. Mark’s Square played host to the full moon in the sky, the canals and the gondolas lit in golden hues as the soft cool breeze carried the sound of water swaying to the music of the famous Italian song Con te partiro more famously called 'Time to say goodbye'.

 Time To Say Goodbye, St. Mark
Time To Say Goodbye, St. Mark's Square.

The music evokes a soul stirring emotion; it could mean anything one wants it to mean, leaving with a loved one; parting and its haunting sorrow; truly a perfect setting to eat Tiramisu in, while sipping a delightful cup of tea.

 St. Mark
St. Mark's Square
 Dusk at St. Mark
Dusk at St. Mark's Square.

The Panini in Murano, the glass capital of the world, and the Quaranta nut nougat in Burano all left me with a bellissimo!

What could be more deliciously lovely? Was it the food, the boat ride, the two beautiful islands, the Burano lace, the Murano glass necklace or the islanders, Il bel far niente, or a combination of them all?

 Coloured houses line Burano.
Coloured houses line Burano.
 Blown Glass at Murano.
Blown Glass at Murano.

Armed with the romance and food of these beautiful cities, I headed to the larger cities of Florence and Rome, but that is a story for another day.


--Photos by Fawad Ahmed

33 days of revolution: From Facebook to Facepalm – II

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33 days of revolution: From Facebook to Facepalm – II

By Nadeem Farooq Paracha | Fasi Zaka


A compilation of memes created and posted by NFP and Fasi Zaka during the PTI and PAT dharnas.

Continued from 20 days of revolution: From facebook to facepalm


Not everyone was so thrilled about TUQ's threat to leave all of his opponents feeling ‘naked’ ...

Authorities finally respond to a TV channel’s complaint of being continuously blocked ...

Floods in Punjab? Keep Calm, CM Punjab is here ...

The PM wasn’t sure exactly where his Interior Minister stood on the crises. He felt a pinch ...

That awkward moment when one realized that Imran Khan was really running out of speeches ...

Convinced he will be the next PM, Imran Khan aka The Hunk got down to practising his inauguration speech ...

After he was released by the cops, reality turned around and bit DJ Butt ...

As the political crises deepened, so did polarisation and with it society’s worsening identity crises ...

Some thought the continuous coverage of TUQ’s speeches on TV was becoming kind of strenuous ...

‘Naya Pakistan’ embraced a very purana Roedad Khan. Roedad (after joining the PTI) got into the youthful vibe and spirit of the party...

TV news channels were never short of breaking news. Every minute was an end-of-the-world moment ... until the next commercial break.

Inspired by IK’s ‘Go Nawaz Go’ movement, some passengers off-loaded a few politicians from a PIA flight (for delaying it). Then, a few days later after a PIA flight was delayed due to technical issues, angry passengers off-load the plane's engine.

Some are calling it the revenge of ‘the burgers’ ...

FASI ZAKA

The Pakistani Hipster: A myth or reality?

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Are we all pushing to be NormCore, or can Pakistan actually embrace hipster-ism?

Gavin McIness, co-founder of Vice, was once the King of Hipsters. He’s a true legend ... and a pure idiot. You have to love him and hate him at the same time. It’s how most people react to hipsters today, even how proto-hipsters or hipsters react to being called hipsters.

Independent thinking, counter-culture, progressive politics – that's the hipster mantra, or at least what, ironically, you should believe it is.

Honestly though, what does it take to be a hipster in Pakistan? We can’t just copy-paste the Hackney or Williamsburg culture to cities or towns in our fair country. Some are trying, but then they are failing miserably, because this isn’t America or England.

Also read:The 10-book challenge: Where are the Pakistani authors?

That doesn’t mean we can’t be inspired by the subculture of another culture, or that we shouldn't try to create our own sub-culture — it’s the least we could do for our culture before deciding to abandon it.

Pakistan, as a country, is limitless while being oppressive; it’s beautiful yet scary. Here begins the thought experiment of what a Pakistani Hipster is.

There are some core ingredients to being a hipster, not least their hatred for the notion that their is a ‘recipe’ to being a hipster. So let's make one, for the fun of it.

Here's the original Hipster Handbook:

Music

No one has ever heard of anything you listen to. And if anyone so much as gets a hint, burn the playlist with fire.

Food

No one has ever heard of any of the places you frequent to eat, nor could they ever find the streets they're on. Even in places you share with people, you have your own secret menu.

People

If they are from your area, you can’t be seen with them. Everyone has been brainwashed to conform to the society around him or her.

Fashion

What is this?

Friends

They exist so you can enlighten them as to why their lives are terrible — wake up people.

Transport

It’s overrated; you find exclusive and unusual ways to get around the city. You are basically the Batman of transport.

Movies/TV

The Internet is your TV and if you can buy a movie in DVD form, it’s obviously trash.

Internet

Your sub-reddits have only 20 members and the blogs you visit are so exclusive that you are sent links that go '404' after too much web traffic.

Explore:Also Pakistan

The Pakistani society makes most of that very hard to follow. We are a culture that loves to do as others do, so much so that we often ignore all the wonderful and unique aspects of our own country.

Now let's look at that Hipster Handbook from a Pakistani point of view.

Music

If you don’t share the same music tastes as your friends, well, then you suck and you obviously are just some weirdo.

Food

Yaar, we all love eating at the same places. How can you NOT? Eating is 98 per cent of what we do. To tell someone their favourite food is just 'OK' is a sin here.

People

The area around you is King, that is what the people around you love. And if they hate it, then they all love only one other area. You have no choice in this matter.

Fashion

BUY MORE LAWN. Also, how have you not already bought more LAWN?

Friends

When growing up, you must submit or become “one of those”. This might be controversial, but they exist to love you and hate you. They are your pillars of strength and also the wrecking ball of your lives.

Transport

Get your own, somehow, some way.

Movies/TV

Whatever the DVD-shop-wala has on the rack is obviously the best, master print only please.

Internet

Facebook and Facebook links.

So, back to the question of questioning the ability of Pakistan to embrace hipster-ism — I see us all actually subconsciously embracing NormCore.

NormCore has been described as “fashion for those who realise they are one in seven billion”, where you embrace sameness deliberately. Urban Dictionary defines NormCore as “a subculture based on conscious, artificial adoption of things that are in widespread use, proven to be acceptable, or otherwise inoffensive. Ultra-conformists.”

Read on:Should Pakistani entertainment cater to India?

Pakistan loves it’s trends, from food to fashion to Twitter.

We live for it, it is like nasha. We are subconscious normcorists. We love wearing what other people wear. We share all the hidden gems we discover.

You can’t share as a hipster, but in Pakistani culture, sharing plays a huge role. From sharing our food to our clothes, we absolutely go nuts over it. Normcore almost asks us to push the reset button, and go back to focusing on what is important rather than who first thought the important was important.

“Normcore moves away from a coolness that relies on difference to a post-authenticity that opts into sameness.”

Let's not fight over the definition of 'hipsters' and how they have morphed from 1940s jazz enthusiasts to 2010s secret music enthusiasts. Many might baulk at the very idea of this article, but lets not squabble about that.

Instead of hating or loving, lets focus on “What is next?”

Lets all reduce our obnoxious footprint, and listen to the words of Earl SweatShirt:

"You’re just not passionate about half the s&*# you’re into."

It’s time to just get passionate, and forget trying to define your passion.

Saying goodbye: My brother, Ali Akbar Kumaili

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The following piece has been written by a close cousin of Ali Akbar Kumaili (son of Shia scholar Abbas Kumaili), who was shot dead in a sectarian attack in Karachi recently.


The night he was shot, I sat in the morgue next to him for hours.

Looking at him as he lay there motionless, wrapped in his kafan, was perhaps the saddest thing I have ever seen. The strongest man in our family, the man whom I saw lift a Corolla off the ground all by himself, lying lifeless right in front of me.

Ali was like my elder brother in just about everything.

From helping me draw a portrait of Quaid-e-Azam to fixing the car, my cousin was truly an artistic, fun loving, caring and one astoundingly brave person.

From reading in majaalis to setting up a sabeel in Muharram, to serving 'Niaz', he loved doing everything by himself, with his own hands whenever possible.

Also read:Sunni cleric gunned down in Karachi

Now, as I sat there with his body, old memories began flooding in.

I recalled that I had told him how much I loved the swing at my school but would hardly ever get a turn. I remember him getting an old truck tyre shortly after, which he tied to the balcony above our patio to make a delightful swing which I enjoyed for years.

I once told him I wanted to buy a small motorbike because I love the sound motorcycles make. He said they were too dangerous. So instead, he used pieces of cardboard and fixed them on my bicycle's mudflap such that when I paddled it made a motorcycle-ish sound.

 Ali with his father, Allama Abbas Kumaili.
Ali with his father, Allama Abbas Kumaili.

We used to play cricket together. Once, I bought stumps and was very excited to have a real wicket set up at home instead of the usual stones-and-chair setup. He dug the cemented floor of our compound with his own hands and then filled it with sand so I could use the stumps.

He took me swimming and made me like Nihari just as much as he liked it.

On every Eid, I would try to avoid hugging him because he loved giving bear-hugs, squeezing the life out of all of us and then laughing at our reactions.

  An adventurer at heart, Ali loved mountain climbing.
An adventurer at heart, Ali loved mountain climbing.

A few years back, Ali saved me from drowning, in the process almost drowning himself.

Explore:The scourge within

These last few years, whenever we sat together, he would discuss politics and would tell me about his socio-religious activities and the difficulties he faced.

He called me the day before he got shot, instructing me to be careful in general. I wish I would have advised him the same thing.

I wish I could get his bear-hug one last time and ask him who did this to him and why.

But for now, thank you Ali, for being such a sweet person, for giving us a happy childhood, for always being there for us.

We mourn him, who was the heart and soul of our house.

We mourn him, whose departure has orphaned hundreds of lives.

This brave man gave so much to the community, but as if that wasn't enough, he gave his life too.

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