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Obfuscating reality: 'They were killed for being Pakistanis, not minorities'

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This is an attack on Pakistan

They were killed for being Pakistanis, not Ismailis

This line of response to atrocities within Pakistan is not new, but has become rather common, as was seen after the horrific recent assault on the Ismaili community in Karachi.

However, there is a problem with this.

As mentioned before, attacks on religious minorities in Pakistan are often deemed a continuation of the plague of terrorism in the country; violence that is raging yet indiscriminate, targeting and affecting all Pakistanis.

However, the danger of this narrative is that it blurs a gory reality; that religious minorities face fatal focus from terrorists and extremists; especially targeted and massacred.

From the Shia Hazaras in Quetta to Shikarpur, from Kot Radha Kishan to Youhanabad, and now Safoora Chowrangi, there is a cold-blooded calculation behind this blood-letting, and these are truly besieged communities.

Violence against religious minorities and minority sects is a distinct, targeted violence aimed at their complete extermination from Pakistan. These are not sporadic bouts of savagery but a carefully planned carnage aimed at ‘cleansing’ the land of pure.

Also read: 'Goodbye, my son!' — After spate of attacks, Shias flee Pakistan

There is a special distinction motivating these slaughters, that of religious identity; and this distinction cannot be brushed under the blanket of national identity without appearing as a travesty of truth.

Anti-Shia violence precedes the war on terror. Those who have lived through the '80s and '90s would bear witness to this.

In his piece for Al-Jazeera, Murtaza Hussain mentions:

It is believed that since the early 1990s, nearly 4,000 Pakistani Shias have been murdered in sectarian attacks, and at a pace which has rapidly accelerated in recent years.

Minority sects, especially the Shia, are labelled kafir to kill. They are singled out for being Shia and Shia alone.

Any attempt to sketch attacks against them as any other reality is akin to the attempts made in the US to paint the Chapel Hill shooting of three Muslim students as a “parking dispute", anything other than Islamophobia – which clearly outraged many Pakistanis.

The obfuscation of narrative therefore blurs reality and blinds people to the prevalence and nature of injustice.Therefore, to say that the recent massacre is an attack on Pakistan is to obfuscate the narrative.

It is an obfuscation that serves nothing but to perpetuate these atrocities and normalise their occurrence as part of the routine of violence.

Take a look: Denial doesn’t change reality

This long-existing violence has only been emboldened by the prevalence and pervasiveness of state failure and complicity in overseeing the reign of terrorism in Pakistan.

There is also a rush and tendency in Pakistan to make the perpetrators of these brutalities as monsters, that people from among us can never do such a thing. Yet, their ideas are not new.

They are the same ideas that thrive among many segments of the Pakistani culture and society; ideas that run along, Shias should not be killed but they…”

Ideas that see the Shia as deviant Muslims distorting Islam, as religious “others”, which extremists and terrorists derive strength from, subsequently taking them a bloody stretch further by deeming them kafir and wajib-ul-qatal.

However, as unaccepting of internal rot as many are, naturally little time is spent to link all inconceivable acts of such cruelty to foreign forces.

From 2010: A muted response to minority killings

It is important to quote former Pakistan Director of the Human Rights Watch and human rights campaigner Ali Dayan Hasan, who took to Twitter after news of the attack:

Increasingly, formulaic condemnations and condolences by state institutions in the face of carnage just add insult to injury. Blaming India & others for atrocities against minorities does not absolve the state of failing in responsibility to protect.

As religious minorities remain besieged by persecution, fear and discrimination in Pakistan, let us not lose sight of the fact that the state, with its spinelessness, indifference and links of patronage with these groups, remains complicit in letting militant outfits run amok with their hate and lust for blood.

And as a society, perhaps if we cannot stop this butchery, we can at least try not to silence the screaming plight of these communities who are only guilty of being religious minorities in Pakistan today.


Related:


A radical motherhood

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The re-publication of my 2012 Mother's Day submission for Dawn had a lot in store for me. I, however, while sitting in Brooklyn three years later, had little idea of the flood of delighted to disgruntled messages awaiting me in my inbox.

The “in a country like Pakistan” phrase had positioned me as a traitor – without my knowledge – among the holier-than-thou patriots of my motherland, and I had insulted scores of people by making the unmentionable point to mention the obvious: existing patriarchal constrictions placed on the brilliant women we know as our mothers in our country.

This was misunderstood as maligning the country but what people forgot was how patriarchy – male-dominance – is not a Pakistan-only phenomenon; patriarchy is practically global.

It was this gender-driven inequality and humiliation that Anna Jarvis, founder of the Mother's Day holiday in US, wrote to Woodrow Wilson about in 1914, spearheading a campaign to persuade the US President in setting aside the second Sunday of May as a national day for recognising the unpaid and unrewarded labour of mothers throughout the country (that, in case one forgets, still remains the case today).

Also read: The invisibility of mothers

Hers was a strategy embedded in populist politics and like most populist causes it won the approval of the public. Later on, in the 1920s, Jarvis grew rapidly disturbed by the commercialisation of the once-working-class day for mothers, and in letters bequeathed to Mary Baldwin College in Staunton, Va., her embittered difference with the commercial carnival Mother’s Day had accrued was more than just plain irritation.

It was justified scorn.

So emboldened she was by her rightful indignation toward the vulgar consumerist takeover of Mother’s Day that Jarvis would annually crash floral company conventions and demand that the money accumulated through floral purchases be handed to poor mothers who could barely provide for their children.

Shortly before her death in Philadelphia, with penury-ridden late years spent in an asylum, hopeless and penniless, Jarvis told a reporter:

I devoted my entire life to Mother’s Day and the racketeers and grafters have taken it over.

Now, back to my perceived offensive phrase “in a country like Pakistan”. It is patriarchal anger that demands a woman to soften her criticism of male dominance in society, and it is hyper-nationalism that seeks an apology from skeptics in the nation. This is prevalent in both countries, Pakistan and the US, where questioning the order of affairs – political, social, economic, religious – is viewed as disloyalty.

But we conveniently forget something on Mother’s Day: Not all mothers are equal, and those on the shorter end of the rope owe no one loyalty.

So the sons and daughters of these unequal mothers will question the ‘harmony’ of Mother’s Day. Nationalist patriarchy, be it American or Pakistani, dictates women to obey a love based on suffocating ultimatums.

Be it Brooklyn, Baltimore, Phoenix, Staten Island, Cleveland, St. Louis, LA, San Bernardino, Ferguson, Beavercreek, Iberia Parish, Bastrop, Houston – these cities where black and brown men and women have been slaughtered by police brutality – or Quetta, Peshawar, Karachi, Lahore where the dead bodies of Baloch, Shia, Christian and Ahmadi youths coat the streets, these sons and daughters belong to mothers shunned by the State. These mothers seek answers.

In a country like Pakistan or in a country like the US, Mother’s Day – I have realised years later – is far more political than we would like to believe.

Jarvis set Mother’s Day for unequal mothers. Unequal mothers cover landscapes in both countries.

Unequal mothers await the reward for their labour for it is labour to raise a child or five, tend to a spouse and endure the systemic hierarchy of affairs within the household, as well as the external society, and it is labour to run exhausting errands and responsibilities on a quotidian, seemingly endless basis.

Unequal mothers are the mothers who bid final farewells to the coffins of their children, be it in Waziristan or New York, denied dignity and life by systematic inequality and wars of their many and terrifying kinds.

Also read: A mother's fight to educate her daughters in Pakistan

It was this neglected motherhood that Jarvis, not Tom Heflin, demanded justice and love for.

In 1948, at 84, Jarvis passed away but her message remains ever more relevant today as neoliberalism induces wider and more violent rifts between classes, turning nearly all sectors of life privatised and inaccessible; justice is a privilege and a rare one at that; mobility – physical, psychological, sexual and more – remains available to a few.

Also read: Mothers of the disappeared

Yuri Kochiyama – a Japanese-American human rights activist and good comrade of Malcolm X, Grace Lee Boggs and Angela Davis – would often speak of ‘radical motherhood’ – a kind of motherhood that demanded social revolution in favour of marginalised women. It was in her philosophy, among others, I learned that Mother’s Day should not be left to pleasantries; Mother’s Day demands that we ask why our mothers live in abject conditions.

If motherhood is so sacred and revered by those who claim to be our state guardians, why is it that some mothers are deprived of social autonomy and basic respect – whether it is in this country or that?


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Yin in Yang, Yang in Yin: A fly on the wall account of two trips

Why you should avoid popping pills in the long term

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If someone were to observe me at a grocery store, they would probably find my behaviour a little a bit odd. I analyse ingredient labels for ages, put most things back and either scoff like a food snob or shake my head disapprovingly.

As a holistic nutritionist, I can’t help it; it’s the same way dentists probably scrutinise the teeth of everyone they meet and make a daily dua for their spouses to start flossing.

But for the longest time, there was one thing I did not scrutinise – medication.

I would find myself casually popping pills here and there for a cold, a headache or stomach cramps, never once stopping to read the ingredient label. After all, medicine was a wonderful friend to me; an ever reliable safety net that was there to catch me every time I fell even slightly ill.

It wasn’t until I saw the chart below that my attitude changed and I started to inspect pharmaceutical drugs the way I did food. The chart shows the risk of death due to “x incident” relative to the risk of being killed in a Boeing 747*.

Click to enlarge.
Click to enlarge.

As you can see, adverse drug reactions made it to the top 10 list, ranking higher than lung, breast and prostate cancer, diabetes, and even car accidents. Natural healthcare and therapeutic products came in second to last, right above the risk of being hit by a meteorite.

How could something that’s supposed to heal me be riskier than cancer? It didn’t make any sense.

Over the next few weeks, I started to look up the side effects in detail for as many pharmaceutical drugs as I could on websites such as drugs.com. Some of them left me utterly gobsmacked.

For example, a popular anti-depressant drug called Cipralex lists side effects such as abnormal dreams, difficulty in concentrating, emotional indifference, hallucinations, headaches, overactive behaviours or thoughts, and restlessness.

I understand that these side effects may only occur for some people, but aren’t they counterproductive to the reason for taking the drug in the first place?

Wouldn’t someone depressed feel that much worse?

The more I looked around, the more I found others who felt the same. In fact, I found out that Deepak Chopra used to be chief of medicine at Boston Regional Medical Center, and it was the reliance on prescription drugs that made him resign and create his own alternative-medicine-based wellness centre. I suspect what Chopra learned, as did I, is that most drugs are designed to offer a Band-Aid solution; fast, temporary relief, only until the symptoms rear their ugly head again.

To paint a picture, I’d like you to think of someone you know who has been taking medication for a long time – whether for high blood pressure, diabetes or any other condition – and ask yourself, has that person healed? Or have they passively accepted their condition as one that cannot be fixed; repeatedly buying the same medication over and over again?

There is a way to minimise the dependency on prescription drugs, and that is through food.

Both drugs and food are taken orally, end up in the bloodstream and enter our cells; so it irks me that the capacity of the latter to heal us sounds laughable to some.

The difference between the two is that food has nutrients, while drugs do not provide these raw materials we need to build our cells. Moreover, food does not come with a pamphlet of side effects or make a big dent in the wallet. Of course, depending on the person’s condition, there may need to be a healthy balance of both, but that balance cannot be found if the basics of good nutrition, exercise and quality sleep are refused or ignored.

I therefore urge you to tap the innate medicinal properties of food, herbs and spices that nature provides us, or even the profound effects of exercise. If you are a skeptic, do your research until you find the scientific explanation behind the alternative approach or a home remedy.

For example, most of us grew up being told to put haldi on a wound. Haldi helps because the active component, curcumin, is anti-inflammatory, antibacterial, and has analgesic qualities, which helps relieve pain.

Remember, just because a particular spice, herb or food does not have corporate-backed research worth millions of dollars, it does not mean there is no scientific explanation behind its benefits. It means there is lack of interest in pursuing the research.

Fortunately, due to the growing presence of natural supplements globally, companies are now able and willing to prove the efficacy of say, curcumin, for conditions such as arthritis or Alzheimer’s.

Of course, even in light of this information, I know that drugs can save lives, help people with chronic conditions or disabilities live a normal life, and provide fast relief when needed. I will still take a pill when it’s absolutely necessary and I am grateful that such drugs exist.

But what I got out of this investigation was a shift in perspective towards Western medicine – a degree of disenchantment perhaps – and a new-found respect for the healing powers of natural medicine.

So if you’d like to try out an alternative approach, and it does not conflict with existing medication you are on (which, by the way is extremely rare), keep in mind that it’s as risky as getting hit by a meteorite.

Note: Please do not attempt to get off long-term medication for serious illnesses and chronic conditions without consulting your doctor or pharmacologist.

A list of my favourite natural remedies:

  • For a sore throat: raw honey; slippery elm or zinc lozenges

  • For a cold: boil eucalyptus leaves or one tsp. ginger powder in a quart water and inhale the steam; 1000mg Vitamin C every four hours; lots of sleep

  • For indigestion, gas and bloating: herbal teas e.g. ginger, fennel, peppermint, chamomile; drink a small capful of apple cider vinegar in ½ cup water five minutes before meals; avoid mixing heavy starch and heavy protein in a meal

  • For constipation: one cup hot water and ½ small lemon on an empty stomach upon waking, followed by a few dates or prunes; one Tbsp. psyllium husk mixed in water or yogurt; one cup hot water with one Tbsp. ground flax before bed

  • For a toothache: apply three drops of clove oil to the affected tooth

*This chart can be found on nhppa.org and was put together by lawyer Shawn Buckley. He is a constitutional and criminal lawyer; president of the Natural Health Products Protection Association and an expert in the Foods & Drugs Act.


Related:

Zimbabwe tour — A promise for change

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For a kid, it is nothing less than extraordinary to be seeing his heroes in action, right in front of his eyes. He mimics them; he does whatever it takes to be like them.

Pakistan’s star all-rounder Abdur Razzaq once turned up to bat with a cap on backwards, and a helmet on top. I was in boarding school at that time, I remember the following day, every other kid in my school was imitating him. Such is the power of heroes.

Similarly, all-rounder, Imran Khan found himself pulled towards the game after watching his cousin, Majid Khan play. Who would have known then, that this young teenager, infected with his cousin's passion, would go on to win the most prestigious trophy for his homeland?

For any sport to flourish in a country, its team needs to register more and more wins in that sport. Undoubtedly, victories draw more people towards the game. My elder cousins often recount tales of the 1992 World Cup, and how they and their friends bought cricket equipment and joined the nets the very next day after Pakistan became world champions.

The 2009 World T20 triumph was no different. Soon after the win, I saw a good influx of young enthusiasts in the club where I used to go for nets.

Coming to the present, a dark and prolonged era of agony seems to be somewhat coming to a close with Zimbabwe's visit to Pakistan.

With this hotly-anticipated tour, international cricket has finally returned to Pakistan.

See: Zimbabwe fly to Pakistan for historic tour

For the cricket-frenzied, this is a spring after a six-year-long winter. The expecting stands of Gaddafi Stadium have waited long enough, as have the fans.

As I write this, over 22,000 tickets have been sold for the tour-opener. Pakistanis from all over the country are pouring into the cultural capital of Pakistan to be a part of this historic moment.

The tour consists of five limited-overs fixtures. The two T20 Internationals over the weekend will be followed by three One Day Internationals. The nine-day tour will run from May 22 to May 31.

Hopefully, seeing their players in action just 10 metres away will shrink the distance between Pakistan's cricket talent pool and our emerging future cricketers.

A healthy inflow of youngsters into club cricket is extremely important for the country’s game at this point. The clubs feed regional cricket, and the products of this level go on to play First-Class cricket for the country.

The event is also bound to improve the national team's morale. The performance of the side has gone down drastically in the last two years, especially in the ODIs. The last ODI series Pakistan won was in December 2013!

Pakistan’s win/loss ratio has been abysmal of late. Since the attack on the Sri Lankan team in 2009, the ratio stands at 0.92, meaning they lost more matches than they won. Meanwhile, below is how other teams compare.

Win/loss ratios at home and abroad since May 3, 2009:

Clearly, competing on your home soil boosts a team’s confidence, which comes handy in the tours abroad.

In Pakistan's case, they failed to win a series in 2014, losing seven matches and winning only four. This year, they hit an all-time low when Bangladesh thrashed them 3-0.

It is unfortunate that a heavy proportion of Pakistan’s squad has not played a single international game at home. Their recently-appointed ODI captain Azhar Ali is one such player. As are Ahmed Shehzad and Umar Akmal.

All this, Zimbabwe will help us change.

The series is reminiscent of the 2003 Bangladesh tour of Pakistan. International cricket in Pakistan had been suspended in 2002, after a bomb blast at a hotel in Karachi, where the touring Kiwi team was staying. The success of Bangladesh’s tour opened the gates for much bigger tours, with India (twice), England, Sri Lanka, West Indies, and South Africa following suit.

Also read: High stakes, security as Pakistan isolation ends

If this tour proves successful, history might just repeat itself. Last month, the Sri Lankan President promised to send the Sri Lankan team here, on his first-ever state visit to Pakistan. Bangladesh have also hinted to tour Pakistan in the coming years.

Pakistan must, at all costs, ensure security to the touring Zimbabwe side for the doors of international cricket to remain wide open.

'Why can't I become an MNA?'

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Sir, I have a Ph.D in Urdu. I currently run an education academy;I want to be MNA. What should I do?

Sitting across from me in my office, Irshad, who looked like he was in his early 40s, wore well-pressed trousers and a crisp, spotless shirt.

His inquiry left me momentarily speechless.

As a lawyer, I am approached by hordes of people with 'perplexing situations' almost on a daily basis. Irshad was an exception. I looked past him at his motorcycle parked in front of my office and taking a deep breath, I replied: “You can’t”.

“Why,” he eagerly pushed. This was the start to an afternoon of futile arguments.

Also see: Bilawal to enter politics gradually, says Zardari

Admitting to having a current bank account of only 3.3 lacs, not owning a car and having had a modest upbringing, Irshad remained adamant and expounded a powerful argument with his multiple degrees and debate winning certifications, considerable insight into assembly workings and his work in student politics during college days.

He ended his note profoundly: “Why do people like me not have access to our parliament?”

A million dollar question, yet an open secret.

Unequally sized constituencies

Large constituencies are the prime hurdle; with a huge area stretching 15 to 19 union councils, ordinary Pakistanis cannot access 300,000 to 400,000 voters and while the world is inching toward small electoral areas, Pakistan isn't.

In the UK, there 650 single-member constituencies for the 64.1 million population, France has 557 for 66 million, Canada 308 for 35.7 million, Singapore 87 for 5.4 million. In Pakistan, however, we have 271 electoral seats for 170 million people!

Take a look: Beyond dharnas: 12 proposals for electoral reform in Pakistan

The US with 435 constituencies for 322 million and India with 552 for 1.3 billion are not so suitable to refer here owing to stronger political traditions that are enough to sway a ‘mediocre’ candidate. And if you look at India, 1/3 of its Lok Saba members come to the assembly via rickshaws or public transport. I don’t see that happening in Pakistan.

A non-party system

In Pakistan, another concern for “electables” is a weak political system leading to a weaker party system. Since the country’s creation, more than half the time, dictators have been in power.

Political parties were either banned or “chosen” during those times and only the blue-eyed were allowed to join in. This trend has unfortunately seeped back in another form today and political parties seem to be revolving around leaders and not vice versa.

Also see: Establishment never accepted politicians, says Rabbani

The 1970 elections, however, saw some respite with a significant number of MNAs elected on meager election expenses. I vividly remember when my friend’s father sold off his bicycle to arrange his nomination fee for the MPA seat, he was elected as a member of the Punjab Assembly. However, the scenario changed in the wake of the 1977 martial law.

The introduction of a non-party system during the 1979 local government election paved the way for personal influence rather than political ideology. The role of finance, family clan and tribe was brought in to weigh in a large way.

Who rules Pakistan?

In 1985, the General Election Political Parties Act was further amended to replace the party system with a non-party system. This proved to be the last blow to the middle- and upper-middle-class candidates who wanted to enter the houses, prompting an influx of independent candidates who were either financial wizards or business tycoons.

As a result, election expenses soared from thousands to millions ousting the more humble, educated and intellectual middle-classes. The genie was then out of the bottle, not ready to go back in again.

In 1988, when the party system was finally restored, the traditions had become deeply entrenched and extravagant election expenses could no longer be controlled.

Money then became one of the prime considerations for the election and now, this game is being played in crores along with luxury five-door vehicles.

Read on: Pakistan politics: The mythical feudal and the real elite

An elected MNA has told me that at least Rs30 million are a must only for Election Day expenses for a National Assembly seat. And I believe that it wouldn’t be incorrect to say that this is just the tip of the iceberg.

Apart from the election process, political parties receive heavy donations, party funds, ticket fee and “on demand” lump sums. The leadership too is no exception. Countless stories of gifts, land plots and luxury vehicles are out there to vindicate the spectre of the goddess of wealth in politics.

Look at the situation as it now exists, Irshad’s question resounds.

Can an educated, middle-class Pakistani be a member of the National Assembly?

The question may not be uncomplicated, but the answer is.

Food Stories: Chai garam chai!

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Chai's romance with the subcontinent goes way back. The English may have invented tea time, but the desis of the world embraced it with such warmth, that the beverage is now synonymous with the subcontinental lifestyle.

Many a match made in heaven are solidified over a cup of chai; best friends are made over a cup of chai; office breaks (like the ones we enjoyed at the Haroon House of the '90s) have led to lasting friendships over cups.

Truth is, the only thing that can capture all the history and essence of chai's relationship with the people is ... a strong cup of chai itself.

It may surprise you to know that at the dawn of the 20th century, the people of the subcontinent were mostly unaware of the art of tea-making.

According to British historian, Lizzie Collingham:

"The conversion of the subcontinental population to tea-drinking was a result of what must have been the first major marketing campaign in the time of 20th century India. The British-owned Indian Tea Association, set itself the task for first creating a new habit among the population, and then spreading it across the entire subcontinent."

History tells us that during the 1800s, the people of the subcontinent considered tea as a medicine. It belonged in the medicine cabinet of that time, much like the initial tea drinkers in fourth century China, who used it as herbal remedy for headaches, joint pain, and in aiding meditation.

In the early 1700s, tea became a herbal concoction for the British elite of Britain, soon to become a fashionable beverage for all. The uppity ladies preferred to sip tea with cakes and biscuits in the English afternoons, rather than the sugary wine they were used to earlier. Tea drinking also gave them an opportunity to show off their fine tea chinaware. Hence, teatime was invented.

"Since now tea suited the middle class lifestyle perfectly well; served with bread, butter and cake, it tidied middle-class ladies over until dinner, which was now eaten much later. And with the addition of sugar, it made an energising drink," Collingham quotes in the book Curry.

However, tea was imported from China and was proving to be a great expense to the British government.

"In the February of 1834 the Governor General William Bentinck appointed a tea committee to look into the idea that India might be a good place to set up the company’s own tea production. Initial attempts to cultivate tea in India were something of a shamble. The committee decided that Assam would be suitable for an experiment in tea cultivation, and although Europeans had been eagerly buying tea from the Chinese for more than two centuries, they were still uncertain of the precise production method," according to Collingham, and thus sought the Chinese for help.

"The Chinese guarded the secret jealously."

Despite all obstacles, the Assamese, in the year 1838, managed to produce some dozen trunks of tea. These were auctioned in England to almost ignorance and it was not until the 1870s that the tea industry in India somewhat stabilised and finally began producing good quality tea for a reasonable profit.

Collingham goes on to say:

"In Britain and Australia, the working classes’ passion for strong black Indian tea was encouraged by inventive whole sailors who found ways of selling Indian tea at cheaper rates than Chinese teas. It was Thomas Lipton who innovatively purchased his tea leaves in bulk directly from India."

By 1909, tea was associated in British minds with the subcontinent to such an extent that it was worth Lipton’s while to employ an Indian to stand in front of one of his Lipton cafes as an advertisement. Although tea was strongly associated with the Indian subcontinent in British and Australian minds, the locals in the subcontinent still did not drink it themselves.

In some of the large cities in India, a few elite Indian gentleman would frequently drink this delightful beverage called tea. But Mahatama Gandhi acknowledged that a few westernised Indians now drank a cup of tea or two for breakfast. He continued, 'The drinking of tea and coffee by the so-called educated Indians, chiefly due to British rule may be passed over with the briefest notice.'"

George Watt mentioned in A Dictionary of The Economic Products Of India, "though the sub-continent had beaten China during the past 30 year of tea production, it had made no progress in introducing the locals to tea drinking."

In a chapter titled 'Chai', the Cambridge-trained historian Lizzie Collingham writes:

"Hence in 1901, the Indian Tea Association woke up to the fact that the largest market was sitting right on their doorstep, and they extended their marketing campaign to the subcontinent. Nevertheless, marketing tea in India was a dispiriting project. And it was not until World War I that the Tea Campaign began to gain momentum. Tea stalls had been set up at factories, coal mines, and cotton mills where thirsty labourers provided a captive market. In 1919, the tea canteen was firmly established as an important element in an industrial concern.

"Railways were another example of where the Tea Association transformed them into vehicles for global capitalism. They equipped small contractors with kettles and cups and packets of tea and set them to work at major railway stations in the Punjab, the Northwest Provinces and Bengal. The cry of, “Chai! Garam, garam Chai!” (Tea! Hot hot tea!) became the cry of railway stations. Although European instructors took great care to guide the tea vendors the correct way of making chai, the vendors often ignored their advice and made tea their own way, with plenty of milk and lots of sugar."

In Punjab, buttermilk was often mixed together with masala and kheer (a sweetened milk and rice desert), hence a variation of the famous doodh pati came to be.

Another interesting branch of the Tea Campaign was to set up little tea shops/stalls in large towns, cities and ports of the subcontinent. These tea stalls were threatened by street tea-hawkers and street tea vendors who started to flavour the tea with spice, namely, cinnamon, cardamom, pepper, cloves and chillie; and it was in the Cawnpore mill locale that this so-called spiced tea was found, known today as the famous masala chai or spice tea, much loved in the Americas and Europe.

In the book titled, A Tale of Cooks and Conquerors, Collingham says:

"Teashops only reached a certain type of clientele. A series of campaigns were set about taking tea directly into the sub-continental home, particularly to women who were not visiting tea shops. An army of tea demonstrators was employed to march to large towns and cities. An area of each town was chosen and for four months, the tea campaigners visited every home, street by street, every day at the same time except for Sundays."

The tea-making campaign was embraced by both Hindus and Muslims. Everybody curiously invited the tea campaigners to demonstrate inside their homes. The making of tea at the same time every day gave birth to tea time in the subcontinent.

Despite the money and effort channeled into the tea marketing campaign, some corners of the country were still untouched. To address this, the Packing Factory Scheme was started in 1931. By the end of 1936, the subcontinental villagers had become so accustomed to tea that in one year, demonstrators were able to give away 26 million cups with ease.

During the second World War, the city and village tea campaign was shut down temporarily, and the Indian Tea Association now concentrated their efforts on the Indian Army. The Indian sepoys were now definitely tea conscious. And in the post-war India the tea-drinking habit was carried to villages throughout the subcontinent. By 1945, the homeless living on the streets of Calcutta and Lahore were drinking tea. That's how tea became a normal part of every day life in the subcontinent.

Fast forward many years and now, teatime is a most sacred institution of the subcontinent. While preparing to write this blog, I decided to host a lavish tea party for my wonderful friends. Of course, a tea party menu can include any number of snack items as there are stars in the sky, so enjoy being creative on the occasion.

My own menu included warm pound cake and warm brownies served with a side of ice cream, ground meat patties, roast beef sandwiches, chicken salad, pasta with sun-dried tomatoes and chicken, focaccia and chana.

However, the queen of the trolley was of course, black chai with a hint of cardamom and a side of milk and sugar.

—Photos by Fawad Ahmed


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A hundred forgotten souls

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Children with special needs and disabilities are one of the most marginalised segments of Pakistani society. They are the unseen, the unrecognized and the forgotten.

Public attitudes are often uncaring or misplaced and informed by stigma and widely held myths. For many families, the difficulties involved in dealing with other people’s reactions means that they are loath to expose their children to the public gaze.

Compounding the issue is a lack of facilities for disabled children, particularly in education. In Pakistan, an estimated 1.4 million kids are deprived of any form of schooling simply because they have no access to it, increasing their disenfranchisement.

However, there are institutions out there seeking to bridge the gap, and harness the potential of children with unique abilities.

This photo essay is the result of two days I spent at one such academy.

The aim is to raise awareness of special needs issues among children, show the human face of disability and work towards removing the stigmas and misconceptions around it.

Joining lego.
Joining lego.
A child is helped down the stairs by his teacher.
A child is helped down the stairs by his teacher.
A boy peers over a textbook.
A boy peers over a textbook.
Laughter during class: A student with Cerebral Palsy.
Laughter during class: A student with Cerebral Palsy.
A child with Attention Deficit Disorder uses toys to help him learn.
A child with Attention Deficit Disorder uses toys to help him learn.
Learning to write.
Learning to write.
A group of kids take some time out.
A group of kids take some time out.
A physiotherapy session.
A physiotherapy session.
Writing in braille.
Writing in braille.
A child shows off his classwork.
A child shows off his classwork.
Posing for the camera.
Posing for the camera.
Walking support in the physio room.
Walking support in the physio room.
Disabled body, able mind.
Disabled body, able mind.
Glancing through the doorway during class.
Glancing through the doorway during class.
Alternative forms of learning.
Alternative forms of learning.
A child with Down Syndrome separates himself from the other children to enjoy his lollipop.
A child with Down Syndrome separates himself from the other children to enjoy his lollipop.

—Permission was sought from parents of children and the institution for photos taken by the author .


Usman Ahmad is a British freelance writer based in Pakistan. He writes mainly on issues of human rights and minorities.

He tweets @usmanahmad_iam.


Mediocrity: The Pakistani dream

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A seth sahab gets into his Mercedes and drives off to his villa-home to his wife. They Skype-chat with their two younger children in New York; both are art majors, while their elder brother helps out his father in the factory. The seth stands by his window, looking through the glass, as he smiles on what he has built and says “Alhamdulillah”.

There. That’s it. That’s the Pakistani dream.

To rise above the day-to-day worries, to achieve just enough to fulfill the offspring’s wishes and to have a backup plan in case the dreams turn to despair; in most cases, the backup plan being a couple of inherited plots or daddy’s business.

I'm not saying that that is a substandard dream to build your life around, and certainly, no less of an achievement if you start from scratch. But if you’ve climbed up and accomplished enough to stand where you stand today, why not go beyond?

No, it is not money that I ask you to run after; that should never be the drive. What I am pointing toward is our mindset regarding growth.

Why be happy with being a big fish in a small pond? Why not scale up? Why not capture the world market and flourish way beyond second-tier home products?

The fact is, we have all just settled; settled for being mediocre without the slightest bit of discomfort in the act. Our minds, fixated for so long on survival-of-the-above-average, have become blind to milestones beyond being better than the rest.

We are complacent and we are happy about it. In fact, we brag about it; we brag about being mediocre.

It’s always about the conditions, the environment we were in, the environment we are in. It is about how much we have done, how much we have gone through – never about where we want to go or need to be. The car I drive matters, so does the school my child goes to, but no, not the dream of being the best in what I pursue. That just doesn't matter.

Glory, for us, lies in polishing the external symptoms of existence, not in the whirlwind chase of an inner fantasy which will render our lives complete.

Neither does satisfaction lie in making a difference to the lives of other people, for the underprivileged or the needy; nor in working towards creating jobs, getting my company's or country's name in the top 10 list of this year, or the next 10 years for that matter.

The conversation nearly always ends up in “Allah ka dia sab hay, bohat hay”.

Anxieties and the obsession with overcoming them is something our neighbours have risen above, and they are in no mood of slowing down till they rise to the top. The Pakistani dream, on the other hand, always has a cap and once filled, we stop, settle and brag for the rest of our lives.

You will have no trouble jotting down the names of local brands which maybe a household name for us but are unknown beyond these borders. Can you name 10 entrepreneurs that expanded their business from Pakistan and stepped into other countries and made a billion dollars? Or 10 household names that we don’t need to google to see? But we are very familiar with names like Infosys, Tata, Bajaj and Amul.

I firmly believe the people who can save Pakistan are going to be clever rich people, who have the ambition to invest time and money and start building something. It will only take one Rovio, one Zynga, one Facebook to make it and transform our mindsets.

Until that happens, the pride of the herd, the enviable lot will be the ones who got out of the country and ‘this system’ only to be proudly mediocre somewhere else; getting into a company, getting the car they couldn’t afford in Pakistani mediocrity and settling down for a gora mediocrity with a substandard 3 series.

If we were a product, our tagline would boast ‘Mediocre middle managers. Come and get yours today!’ – and perhaps, for a lower price than our neighbours.

We even teach our children to be mediocre. And, it is not because we are lazy, less talented or brainless. We are simply scared. Those who aren't now, someone else will likely get to them in the future, putting them too on the traditional path of mediocrity.

I remember how, after my father passed away, every other person’s question was why I didn’t get bharti (hired) in his bank (because that would mean a permanent job, a pension and all that jazz). Safety nets and supporting wheels is all we want for ourselves and for the people we care about. Everyone else is looked down upon.

There are outliers, yes. There always are. But, ask yourself this:

Are you dreaming big or are you settling for mediocrity?


Related:

Fake in Pakistan, fake across the world

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Fake academic credentials do not differ much from fake hair or bosoms. Essentially, they are manifestations of our attempt to project an enhanced, yet false, image of ourselves.

The allegations against Axact, a self-professed leading IT firm, of running a global racket of diploma mills has re-opened the debate about fake academic credentials. In a recent expose, The New York Times offered a detailed account of a global network of websites, allegedly operated by Axact, of dubious universities that sold academic credentials. The buyers, presumably, would like to use fake credentials for economic (employment and promotion) and social (better wedding prospects) gains.

Also read: Reclaiming our bodies, redefining the 'perfect bahu'

The important distinction to realise is that the society does not treat all fake assets the same.

For instance, using fake academic credentials may disqualify one from a public office, yet using fake-transplanted hair may improve one’s odds for the highest public office. Similarly, surgically enhanced physical endowments have been known to promote or salvage struggling careers of performing artists.

The real question to ponder is why we adore some fake assets while detest others.

Fake academic credentials are a serious challenge in Pakistan. Numerous legislators have been disqualified for filing fake credentials. A former Balochistan chief minister, when alerted to the issue, brazenly remarked that fake or otherwise, a degree was simply a degree!

Also read: 300 PIA employees sacked for fake degrees

Degrees of fakeness

The worst case of fake degrees involves forgery. Using a forged document to portray false academic credentials from a reputed institution you never attended is the worst kind of academic deceit, not to mention a criminal offense.

Then, there are other fake credentials whose use is certainly immoral, but does not necessarily constitute a crime.

Diploma mills essentially are dubious unaccredited academic institutions that issue academic credentials for a fee. For instance, some so-called universities will readily grant you a doctorate in lieu of your illustrious career for a hefty sum without any real academic work.

A TV celebrity and former federal minister in Pakistan have proudly displaced their diploma mill doctorates with great pride.

Also read: Fake degree scandal roils Pakistani politics

While most consumers of such fake credentials are knowledgeable of the dubious nature of the institutions and their offerings of unrecognised credentials, yet, some naïve individuals are duped by these institutions into believing in the veracity of the credentials. Again, selling credentials as authentic to those who may have thought otherwise is fraudulent.

Paying for unearned credentials is not necessarily a crime. In fact, paying a lot of money for unearned credentials is sometimes promoted by even renowned academic institutions.

A donation of several million dollars to a university most often qualifies one for consideration for a doctorate honris causa (honorary doctorate). Universities waive the degree requirements, such as matriculation, residency, passing of exams and the like for the recipients of honorary doctorates who have either pledged, or have already donated, millions to the university.

Honorary doctorates are usually awarded to distinguished individuals for their commitment and devotion to research and learning or in recognition of one’s pursuits for a better and more equitable world. Distinguished researchers, authors, human rights activists, and great thinkers have been the recipient of honorary doctorates.

If you cannot be all that but may be able to spare a few million dollars, you can join the league of global leaders and thinkers like Nelson Mandela, Mikhail Gorbachev, and Noam Chomsky.

Also read: Fake degree scandal worries HEC

Outside of academia, fake credentials and appearances are multibillion-dollar businesses.

Consider the makeup industry or high fashion for instance. Fake eyelashes, hair extensions, foundation creams and high-heel shoes are meant to make us look perkier and taller than we really are. Fake appearances, yet we willing spend billions to present a false image of ourselves.

Our unlimited desire to look pretty on paper and in the flesh has allowed the diploma mills, makeup manufacturers, and plastic surgeons to make billions.

If we were to be content with what we really are and are willing to work hard to earn the distinctions we desire, such rackets would never last.

The death of Urdu, the new illiterate

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Back in my screenwriting days at Burka Avenger (when it hadn’t yet gone public), we used to have these long-winded meetings where we would discuss the plot, individual scenes, gags, dialogues – basically the whole episode.

These meetings comprised entirely of people with a severe Urdu handicap ... writing a show in Urdu.

Someone would suggest dialogue that made perfect sense, and had all the intended effect in English. However, being that it was an Urdu show, we were hard pressed to translate it with the same sentiment.

We were so alienated from Urdu that nobody in the entire group knew the right sound that the letter ق makes. A case of 'blind leading the blind' it was.

Invariably, someone would get frustrated and burst out along these lines: “Urdu is such a limited language” (this said in English of course), purely because they did not have an inkling of how Urdu worked. I have seen people get into a fit of laughter because someone used a common Urdu idiom; it was like meeting entitled tourists.

Needless to say, the language is in a crisis. Specifically, it is the lack of interest in its preservation which is disturbing.

Also read: BBC broadcaster laments decline of Urdu

The anecdote of the Burka Avenger team above has similar manifestations everywhere in the entertainment industry. People mask their inexperience by butchering the language however they see fit; they don't do this deliberately, it is just that they don’t know any better.

We see a copious blending of Urdu and English with phrases like “shaandaar offer”, “aur haasil kijiye amazing discounts”, “fun ko on karo” or my personal favourite, “raho connected everyday”. We once had gold like PIA’s “Great People to Fly With” – that managed quite well without alienating anyone.

A handful of people admit their flaws and skip Urdu altogether, ala Waar. Others enforce a now defunct pattern of conversation into modern television without fully understanding the intricacies of terms.

This ignorance has bled into our daily lives, such as hoardings featuring simple words like Pahiya (wheel); Gaari (car); Safaai (cleaning/cleanliness); Dukaan (shop); Dastavaiz (documents); Tasdeeq (attestation); replaced with their English counterparts, still written in Urdu.

All that because apparently, being able to read Urdu isn’t proof enough that they can handle the actual words expressed in it. Imagine reading Dickens, written phonetically in Urdu. It sounds like a setup to a joke, but, that is actually what's happening in our every day lives.

Take a look: A composite education

I am part of a generation that actively helped blur the distinction between Urdu and English in Pakistan.

We are the ones who started sneaking in an English noun or two despite the presence of perfectly serviceable Urdu words. We went from skipping some words, to fading them out out, all the way to practically revolting against the language.

Will we eventually maim and mutilate it and leave it out to die on the streets?

I have had numerous, oft heated debates on the politics behind the language. Some claim it held us back, that it was enforced on the population, etc. We cannot entertain those as valid arguments for one simple reason: Regardless of what was accomplished in the name of language, the language itself has nothing to do with politics.

Explore: Tongue-tied: The politics of language

Language exists to help communicate. It is not designed to be hurtful. If negative connotations were truly intrinsic to languages, then the world would have discontinued speaking Spanish after the Inquisitions; German after their slight kerfuffle; in fact, let’s even ban French while we’re at it – they’ve seen their fair share of bloodshed.

People who put the language down have simply not studied it. I don’t mean they have to be Urdu Lit. majors, but they should at least have some awareness of it! People who aren’t aware of the works of Yusufi, Insha, or at the very least have not gone over Zia Mohiuddin’s readings, should not get a say on what happens to the language.

There are those who have developed an affinity towards Saadat Hussain Manto of late, but you can tell that it is because of the subject matter more than his literary style. In my opinion, his style of writing was not groundbreaking by any standard.

As you can see, the language is poorly managed, this is what keeps new words from being created in it. Or why we don’t have modern epics (Daastaangoi) coming out these days. And, most unfortuantely, how the masses have mixed feelings about the language.

Take a look: Why national language lacks functional development?

The language itself is difficult to wrap one’s head around, but that is only natural considering how it wasn’t taught to us from the very beginning. Any objections to difficulty fall squarely on our shoulders. If Chinese kids can be bilingual with complicated languages like Cantonese, as well as Mandarin, then, we really have no reason to complain.

Try this experiment: speak for five minutes without using a single English word. Just give it a whirl and see where you land. My best was two minutes. If you do succeed, try thinking entirely in Urdu and see how far you are able to go.

As a consequence of all the lack of effort towards helping it grow, Urdu's progress has stagnated. Now we are at the mercy of whoever decides to write whatever they like in the language and subject the public to read it.

We are coming dangerously close to “illiteracy” in our own national language. But apart from lamenting its decline, there is, perhaps, nothing much we can do with educational authorities like ours.

Best to move on then, for as a scholar once said, “Milk agar spill ho jaye toh crying karnay se kuch gain nahi hota”.


Related:

Vital Signs and Junoon: The magic, the rivalry, the history

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Recently, in an interview that he gave to the BBC, Salman Ahmed – former guitarist of (the now defunct) ‘Sufi-Rock’ group, Junoon – claimed that his band’s 1996 pop anthem, ‘Jazba Junoon’ became bigger than the Vital Signs’ Dil Dil Pakistan.

DDP was recorded by the seminal Pakistani pop band, ‘Vital Signs’ in 1987 and was also part of their big-selling debut album (1989’s VS: 1).

This song too was a pop anthem that glorified patriotism and Pakistani nationalism. Its release in 1987 kick-started a whole new pop scene in the country. That scene is still remembered to be the most robust and productive modern music movement witnessed in Pakistan.

I am not quite sure in what context Salman was measuring Jazba Junoon’s bigness compared to that of Dil Dil Pakistan, but his statement did, for a bit, raise many eyebrows among local pop fans.

As a journalist, I extensively covered the sudden rise and gradual fall of Pakistan’s pop scene in the 1990s.

A rivalry of sorts had developed between Junoon and the Vital Signs, and Salman’s statement suggests that the echoes of that creative and commercial conflict are somewhat still present in him, as well as in the fans of both bands.

Rivalries between bands are not a unique happening. The most famous was the one between the two biggest pop/rock bands of the 1960s, the Beatles and the Rolling Stones. The Stones began by shaping themselves as the anti-thesis of The Beatles.

Till the mid-1960s, the Beatles were largely perceived to be a band whose appeal cut across all ages, from teenage girls to their parents. The Stones emerged as ‘bad boys’ with unkempt hair and a musical style that was rooted more in blues music than in teenybopper pop.

The rivalry continued even after the Beatles shed off their teenybopper image and began to heavily experiment with the powerful mind-altering hallucinogenic drugs that (after the mid-1960s) had begun to influence the emergence of innovative (and surrealistic) shades of fashion, art and popular music.

For example, in 1967, the Beatles released the groundbreaking psychedelic pop album, Sergeant Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band. Through innovative technical manoeuvres in the studios and equally innovative song writing, the album added a whole new dimension to the dynamics and aesthetics of Western pop music.

Inside cover of The Beatles’ ‘Sergeant Peppers’ album.
Inside cover of The Beatles’ ‘Sergeant Peppers’ album.

The Stones responded by recording and releasing their own psychedelic album, but one that was deliberately made to sound a lot darker than Sgt Pepper’s. The Stones’ record was aptly called Their Satanic Majesties Request.

Both the records are packed with songs brilliantly concocted from some pioneering recording techniques, surreal imagery and an assortment of complex, ‘mind-bending’ antics.

These records would eventually give birth to the whole psychedelic pop genre and later (in the 1970s), to the more sophisticated and grandiose Progressive-Rock genre and scene.

But whereas the Beatles’ album portrayed the shinier sides of the time’s hallucinogenic psychedelic and hippie scene, the Stones’ record exhibited the darker side of the same scene.

The Rolling Stones
The Rolling Stones

Nevertheless, most of the books that appeared on both the bands from the mid-1970s onwards, which more than alluded to the whole rivalry bit between the two bands; had a lot to do with marketing gimmickries and with how the music press picked it up and ran away with it.

Indeed, both the groups were catering to a similar market (and competing), but it was the Stones’ management that first came up with the idea of moulding the band’s ‘bad boys’ image (as an alternative to the Beatles).

Otherwise, relations between members of both the groups were rather cordial. In fact, Paul McCartney (of the Beatles) appeared on one song on TSMR and Mick Jagger – the lead singer of the Rolling Stones – appeared on Give Peace A Chance, the 1969 hit song recorded by John Lennon of the Beatles.

According to some leading music critics, hyped and media-generated perceptions of rivalries between two or more similar bands catering to similar markets can actually bode well for the involved groups because it keeps them in the news and also helps them solidify their fan base.

The same can be said about some other famous rivalries in this context, such as the one between ‘90s grunge greats Nirvana and Pearl Jam, and between best-selling British Indie-Pop acts, Oasis and Blur.

Pearl Jam
Pearl Jam
Nirvana
Nirvana

Well, of course, all this used to transpire (and was actually encouraged) by the dynamics of a music scene and industry that was yet to splinter and severely fragment – mainly due to the emergence of the download culture that (ever since the early 2000s) has drastically altered the landscape.

But coming back to the matter of band rivalries, as mentioned earlier, the most well-known in the Pakistani pop/rock scene was between Vital Signs and Junoon.

The Signs emerged in 1987 as a project of reclusive TV producer, Shoaib Mansoor. The band was made up of Rohail Hayatt (synthesisers), Nusrat Hussain (guitar), Shahzad Hassan (bass) and Junaid Jamshed (vocals).

The band had already made a bit of a name for itself in the time’s ‘college functions’ circuit before it was picked up by Mansoor to record a patriotic song and video in 1987.

The song was Dil Dil Pakistan, penned by Mansoor and composed by Nusrat Hussain and Junaid Jamshed. The lyrics express an unabashed love of the country, portraying it as a kind of heaven on earth.

But this wasn’t what got the song instant popularity. It was the way it was composed and then turned into a video.

Departing from the ways of local pop musicians of the 1980s, who mostly fused elements of traditional Pakistani music with western genres such as Disco and soft-pop, the Signs (on DDP) took the vintage melodicism associated with Pakistani film songs and expressed it with the help of the sonic undercurrents and imagery of the era’s European New Wave and ‘Syth-Pop’ genres.

The song was an immediate hit. It jumped out of the TV screens onto cassettes and was soon heard everywhere – at youth rallies during the 1988 election (that celebrated the demise of a reactionary 11-year-dictatorship); in schools, over TV commercials and during cricket and hockey matches featuring Pakistan.

The Vital Signs (1987): Shahzad, Nusrat, Rohail and Junaid
The Vital Signs (1987): Shahzad, Nusrat, Rohail and Junaid

The hit propelled the band into becoming one of the country’s biggest modern pop acts that would go on to record four best-selling albums and head dozens of concerts between 1989 and 1996. It also bagged the group a lucrative contract from Pepsi Co. Pakistan.

But by the time the Signs went into to record their first album in 1989, Nusrat Hussain had quit and was replaced by Salman Ahmed – an impulsive and volatile guitarist.

Salman and Signs’ leader, Rohail, never got along. And despite the fact that the band’s first album was a major hit, Salman decided to walk out. Some believe he was eased out; others suggest he walked out in a huff. He was replaced by Rizwan-ul-Haq.

The Signs Mark II (1989): Salman, Shahzad, Junaid, Rohail.
The Signs Mark II (1989): Salman, Shahzad, Junaid, Rohail.

In 1990, Salman formed his own band with former Jupiters vocalist, Ali Azmat, and ex-Signs’ man, Nusrat Hussain. He named the band Junoon. To him, Junoon was to become the Pakistani Rolling Stones to the Pakistani Beatles (Vital Signs).

Junoon songs liberally incorporated elements from rock and hard-rock genres and did not shy away from expressing political and social statements. The band’s first album was a commercial flop. Its raunchier sound was still too novel for a nascent pop scene.

Junoon’s music increasingly fused riff-friendly rock chops with funky renditions of Punjabi folk and traditional Sufi music; and the lyrics occasionally ventured into commenting on the state of the country and society. This gradually began to gather a steady and passionate cult following for the band.

The group’s growing reputation as a crackling live act helped too, especially when bassist Brian O’Connell came in for Nusrat and veteran drummer, Malcom Gomes, became a mainstay in the band.

Junoon: Brian, Ali and Salman.
Junoon: Brian, Ali and Salman.

Yet, compared to the commercial successes and widespread fame of the Signs, Junoon was still largely a cult attraction. Salman continued to find the Signs ‘complacent,’ and Rohail continued to find Salman ‘overbearing.’

By the time the Signs delivered their fourth album (Hum Tum), the band’s sound had become a lot more layered, mature and even melancholic.

Signs Mark III (1993): Rizwan, Rohail, Shahzad and Junaid.
Signs Mark III (1993): Rizwan, Rohail, Shahzad and Junaid.

Junoon responded with Inquilaab in 1996 (the band’s third album). It was another energetic package of catchy off-the-wall riffs and racy vocals weaved around rudiments of Punjabi folk and bhangra music genres. To round off the album, the band (as if on a whim), decided to also record and add a pop anthem to the album – a style that was still popular after the initial release of Dil Dil Pakistan in 1987.

So out came Jazba Junoon, a song that musically sounded like one of those upbeat Latino songs of early Santana, and punctuated with patriotic and uplifting lyrics inspired by the writings of South Asian philosopher and poet, Mohammad Iqbal.

The first CDs and cassettes of the album did not have the song. It was added a few months later after Coca-Cola decided to pick it up as its theme song (in Pakistan) during the 1996 Cricket World Cup (that was being held in Pakistan, India and Sri Lanka). Coke was one of the main sponsors of the global cricket tournament.

A video sponsored by Coke and showing the band playing the song amidst excited young men and women waving Pakistani flags (and swigging Coke) began to run on the state-owned TV channel (PTV).

The country was abuzz with the hysteria of the World Cup and the Pakistan team was one of the favourites to win (it didn’t). It was this environment that helped the song gain instant attention and fame.

With Coke now backing the band and Jazba Junoon becoming its first mainstream hit, the rivalry between Junoon and Vital Signs was now set to turn into a Cola Wars of sorts, considering that the Signs were still Pepsi’s biggest pop act in Pakistan.

Junoon (1996).
Junoon (1996).

Indeed, Jazba Junoon did become big. Very big. But bigger than Dil Dil Pakistan?

Let’s look at it this way. The cola wars in this respect did not really materialise. The Signs folded in 1997, just as Junoon was hitting its very own commercial peak. Junoon would go on to record three more albums and last till 2004.

Right across the 2000s, both the songs are played over and over again at cricket matches and at an assortment of festive events that involve young people. Also, both the songs also continue to be used (both officially and otherwise) in Pakistani films, TV commercials and TV plays. They’ve become like a set of twin Pakistani pop anthems that don’t really compete for space anymore, but are largely treated as equals.

They both remain ‘big’, despite the fact that the pop anthem fad faded away in the early 2000s, especially after the country spiralled down and crashed in an extremely awkward place after 9/11 and when terrorist attacks in Pakistan increased manifold.

Though there were some very good pop artistes before the pop explosion that produced the Signs and Junoon; and dozens more pop and rock acts also emerged from the same movement, these two bands have settled in the country’s pop music history as ‘classics’ and perhaps the most influential.


Discographies

Ratings

**** Excellent | *** Good | ** Average | * Poor


Vital Signs Discography

VS: 1 (1989) ***

This is a pretty impressive debut from a band that was gunning to introduce the local pop scene to sounds that were largely alien to a majority of Pakistani music fans at the time. The Signs wedded the rich melodicism found in songs in Indian and Pakistani films of the 1970s with sonic elements of the 1980s New Wave and Syth-Pop genres that had emerged in Europe in the 1980s.

The biggest hits from the album are (of course), Dil Dil Pakistan and Gorey Rang ka Zamana. The latter was a light-hearted comment on fair-complexioned ladies, even though some listeners believed the song was kind of glorifying fair complexion (in women).

Truth is, it was a tongue-in-cheek comment on how everyone in South Asia was wishing to become white! The true musical and lyrical standouts of the album however are Musafir and Yeh Shaam. Both over five minutes long, they are the first examples of the kind of melancholic melodies that the band would go on to hone and perfect in its future releases.

VS:2 (1991) ****

Hot on the heels of the breakthrough commercial success of their first album, the Signs found themselves in a bit of bother when they entered the studios to record their second offering.

Their guitarist Salman Ahmed had quit and vocalist Junaid Jamshed was popping in and out of the studio, not sure whether he wanted to stick around anymore.

Salman was replaced with Rizwan-ul-Haq and Jamshed was convinced to at least finish the second album. Out of this turmoil emerged an album that remains to be the Signs’ richest in terms of sound.

Breaking away from the upbeat Syth-Pop influences that dominate VS:1, Rohail (who also took on the responsibility of producing the second album), boldly brings in sonic inspirations and elements from such Prog-Rock luminaries as Pink Floyd and Genesis, giving the overall sound of the album a lot more melodic juice and a brooding edge.

The album kicks off with an immediate hit, the playful Sanwali Saloni, a song exalting dark-complexioned (albeit sexy) women – a clear correction of what the band were accused of for Gorey Rang Ka Zamana. The song is quickly followed by another playful ditty, Mera Dil, a song (which, on the surface) is about a heartless flirt, but is actually a tongue-in-cheek and allegorical critique of American foreign policy!

After these two songs, the album’s mood turns broody and melancholic, and remains that way across a number of songs that are rich in melody and ruminating lyrics, wedding the classic melodicism of Pakistani film song composers such as Robin Ghosh with the more forlorn sides of acts such as Pink Floyd.

There is also an overtly political song, Aisa Na Ho, which laments the fact that the euphoria that emerged after the demise of a reactionary dictatorship in 1988 was being lost due to the eruption of ethnic and sectarian violence.

Though now 24 years old, VS: 2 has dated remarkably well, mainly due to the fact that it also anticipated future genres such as moody electronica and ‘deep ambient’.

Aitebar (1993) **

In 1993, the Signs were a much happier bunch, basking in the fact that they had risen to become the leading pop act in the country. But this livelier state-of-mind did not necessarily translate into the band producing a worthy follow-up to VS: 2.

On Aitebar, the Signs sound largely complacent. The idea seemed to be to depart from VS: 2’s brooding ways and recapture the euphoria and upbeat mood of the first album. It does not work.

Most of the songs are like fast-food pop, even though a decent pop rendition of Punjabi folk music, Chala, does have its moments. So does an otherwise cynical attempt to create another popular pop anthem, Yeh Zameen. But eventually it is the band’s brooding stuff that manages to stand out, in this case the excellent tittle track, Aitebar.

Other than this, the album is largely forgettable.

Hum Tum (1995) ***

The Signs return to form on 1995’s Hum Tum. But it wasn’t a very easy album to make. Rizwan was chucked out and replaced by moody guitar virtuoso, Aamir Zaki, who walked out after recording just two songs for the album. Former Awaz guitarist, Asad Ahmed was brought in as a temporary replacement.

Communication and relations between band members was not top-notch, but after a long, hard slog, the Signs did manage to produce their long-awaited fourth album.

The album gets off to a not very auspicious start with Hum Jeetengay, a rhetorical pop anthem that does absolutely nothing and is almost entirely forced-fed.

But after another dud, the unimaginative and pretentious ode to some imagined pristine past (Guzray Zamanay Wali), the album begins to come to life, offering gem after gem of quality pop.

The band revives the melodic moodiness that it discovered on VS:2, this time mating inspirations like Robin Ghosh not only with the atmospherics of Floyd, but also with the steady soft-rock of bands such as Fleetwood Mac and the Eagles.

Standout tunes in this respect are Jana Jana, Mumkin and Un Ka Khiyal. But there’s also a hidden gem: the epic and lesser-known, Mein Chup Raha that brilliantly fuses funk and rock and then punctuates it with bits of eastern classical music, and volatile and vulnerable lyrics along with vocals lamenting missed opportunities. It’s a cracker.

Hum Tum marked a befitting exit for a great band because this was to become its swan song. The band folded in 1998.


Junoon Discography

Junoon (1991) **

Junoon’s debut album has a strange (and ironic) history. It was a miserable flop on release, but over the decades, it has settled well as a Pakistani rock classic for many fans of the genre.

The classic bits are a direct outcome of songs like Jogia, – the band’s first foray into what it will come to define as ‘Sufi-Rock’ – Neend and Khawab. All of these try to mate soft-metal with modern Pakistani pop that was emerging at the time, even though Jogia is also an early indication of how good a riff-master Salman Ahmed would grow into becoming.

The overall production of the album is somewhat spotty, and it also has some truly embarrassing moments, especially Downtown Princes, which utterly fails to anticipate the coming arrival of grunge and instead settles at being a silly facsimile of a flat Hair-Metal anthem, a genre that was thankfully dying.

Talaash (1993) **

After replacing Nusrat Hussain with Brian O’Connell, Junoon begins to find its feet on Talaash. This time, it does not hesitate to turn up its rock influences a notch and chum them with Punjabi folk music.

The results are exciting: Heeray is a no-holds-barred hard-rock-meets-Punjabi-folk assault, and so is the title track, Talaash, a tearaway rock number driven by Salman’s cyclic riffing and angry lyrics bemoaning ‘slave mentality.’

There’s also a lesser-known gem, Woh, a playful song with a catchy riff. But the band’s cohesiveness is not entirely there yet, because there is also Lady Magic, another Hair-Metal counterfeit, and that too during a period when grunge had all but blown away this excruciating genre.

Inquilaab (1996) ****

Junoon’s breakthrough album. It is packed from top to bottom with some high octane songs brimming with a new confidence to ambitiously fuse spirited dynamics of hard-rock and the group’s growing fascination with all things Sufi.

There are the obvious hits like the bouncy Mera Mahi and, of course, Jazba Junoon, as well as perhaps Sufi-Rock’s first comprehensive expression, Saieen.

There are some persuasively soulful and atmospheric moments here as well, especially in the shape of Rooh Ki Hai Pyaas, brilliantly crooned by Ali Azmat with the help of lyrics mediating on a man’s struggle with existentialist and spiritual crisis. It is also on this tune that Salman transcends from being an off-the-wall riff-master into becoming an equally accomplished lead player.

Songs like Khoi Aankhein, Husn Waloun and Main Kon Hoon, liberally and fearlessly experiment with sonic complexities and weird time signatures, rounding off a very satisfying effort.

Azadi (1997) ***

Inquilaab propelled Junoon into the mainstream. It was no more just a cult act and it celebrated this occurrence by putting out another impressive album, Azadi.

Interestingly, the band stripped down the sound by almost completely replacing the drums with tablas but bringing the guitars and the vocals upfront. The compositions are mostly strong, and they were invigorating enough to attract the attention of Indian pop and rock fans as well, where this album helped Junoon break big.

By now the band had also become famous for pioneering the Sufi-Rock genre, a claim strengthened by Sayonee. There are others gems here as well, like the catchy Yaar Bina driven by Zeppelinsque guitar riffs bouncing off a galloping tabla.

All said, Azadi however fails to be as consistent in intensity and quality as Inquilaab.

Parvaaz (1999) ****

The Junoon juggernaut continues to move confidently and powerfully on the band’s fifth album, Parvaaz. By now the biggest rock/pop band in Pakistan, Junoon gets a bit introspective on Parvaaz and floats almost entirely in the post-modern Sufi narrative that it had concocted. The results are rather brilliant.

The album kicks off with Bulleya, a potent rock rendition of a famous Sufi kalam by the popular (and populist) Sufi saint, Bullay Shah. Other wonderful trinkets include Sajna and the brooding Mitti.

The most interesting, however, is Ghoom, Junoon’s ‘Kashmir’ moment (the famous Led-Zeppelin epic). Ghoom just has to be the most complete and ultimate expression of Sufi-Rock – intense, hypnotic and convincingly entrancing, it sees Junoon at the peak of its form.

Ishq (2001) *

After scaling great creative and commercial heights with their last three albums, Junoon badly fumbles on Ishq. It is as if the band was coming down with a bad hangover from all the enthralling events of the late 1990s that saw the band rise from being a cult act into a South Asian rock giant.

On Ishq, however, the band, after exhausting all of its Sufi-Rock wiles and moves, attempted to become the rock mouthpiece of the thoughts of poet and philosopher, Mohammad Iqbal. What they really end up being is nothing more than pretentious bores!

No wonder this is the least loved Junoon album.

Deewar (2004) **

This album would certainly have gone the way the listless Ishq did, had it not been for the two superb songs that Ali Azmat came up with. The bright-eyed Tara Jala and the pulsating Garaj Baras are the only two things that matter on this album.

Salman, who had been the main force behind most Junoon songs, now seemed exhausted and uninterested, while Brian was wallowing in his own existentialist crisis. Ali was bitter, and if one takes out the two aforementioned songs, the rest of the album sounds lethargic, impassive and clearly reflecting the fragmentary and tumultuous state of the band.

Not surprisingly, the band broke up soon after.


Related:

Understanding the new militants of Pakistan

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To many, Tahir, Saad, Azfar and Nasir may appear new militant characters. But, profiles and ambitions of similar characters have been highlighted many times in the recent past.

The confessions made by these detainees shocked many, particularly those who believed that terrorists exist only in the lower classes and in unusual circumstances.

Educated and well-off, as their profiles suggest, these terrorists were reportedly involved in the recent wave of attacks in Karachi, including the massacre of members of the Ismaili community and the killing of rights activist, Sabeen Mahmud.

Also read: Qaim announces arrest of killers behind Safoora Goth, Sabeen's murder

Shocking as this is, it is not a new phenomenon.

There is a long list of high profile terrorists hailing from educated middle-classes in Pakistan.

Daniel Pearl murderer Omar Saeed Sheikh, Al Qaeda IT expert Naeem Noor Khan, Al Qaeda operative Dr Arshad Waheed, Time Square bombing planner Faisal Shahzad, Danish embassy bombing culprit Hamad Adil, and hijacker of a navy frigate at Karachi dockyard Owais Jakhrani are just few names.

Understanding the emerging militant character

While the presence of extremist tendencies in upper middle- and elite-classes is not new, in recent years however, the number of militants hailing from these classes has grown.

The Muslim Diaspora communities in the West are quite familiar with this phenomenon of emerging extremist tendencies. In Pakistan, a segment of the militants hailing from educated middle-classes represents a new stream.

Also read: From IBA graduate to 'terror suspect'?

This stream, as a whole, not only contributes to other militant streams, but the militants within it also try to distinguish themselves from other groups. These include multiple types of the groups, including breakaway factions of conventional militant organisations and emerging groups. The Punjabi Taliban and Jundullah are its prominent examples, which represent two major shades of the stream.

Militants in the making are a dangerous phenomenon of this stream.

Self-radicalised individuals who are influenced by terrorist ideologies fall in this category. Though, not formally affiliated with any local or international terrorist organisation, they are in search of causes that resonate with their radicalised worldview.

The numbers of potential militants in this category could be large. A failure to find and join a ‘proper’ terrorist group can encourage them to plan and launch terrorist attacks by defining the targets themselves.

The Jundullah factor

The phenomenon of Jundullah is important in the perspective of urban militancy and understanding this new stream of militancy.

In the same manner as there are many Punjabi Taliban groups, many groups are also operating under the Jundullah nomenclature in Pakistan.

While the Punjabi Taliban emerged from Deobandi and Salafi militant groups, the Jundullah groups are breakaway factions of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and its student and militant wings.

With the exception of Jundullah in the Iranian Balochistan region, the remaining entities under this label, active in Karachi and the Peshawar valley, are of a similar disposition. With their Islamist background, they are naturally inclined towards the Islamic State (IS) militant group and like a few commanders of the Hizb-e-Islami — a JI-affiliate in Afghanistan — apparently intend to announce their allegiance to the IS.

To terrorists’ advantage

A lack of organisational structure makes organisations in the emerging militant stream operationally dangerous; these also provide human resources to major groups for their terrorist plans.

Their fluidity makes them a big challenge for law enforcement agencies. These groups can generate funds through criminal activity and because of their small size, they can sustain their activities on minimal resources.

The loose organisational structure provides these groups more freedom to evolve the operational strategies by themselves, and this advantage makes them capable to come up with new patterns of terrorist attacks.

The arrested culprits of the Safoora Goth massacre were found involved in multiple types of attacks ranging from targeted killing and sabotage acts to managing big attacks, which shows their operational diversity.

It is likely that they chose different names for their group in different attacks to deceive law enforcement agencies. The attacks they confessed to have carried out also include attacks which once a little-known group of Karachi, the Tehrik-e-Khilfat, had claimed the responsibility for. This is the same group which had taken the lead in announcing its allegiance to the IS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in Pakistan. Yet, it remains to be seen if this is the same terrorist group.

Though, the initial lead suggests that these terrorists had links with Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent, which has an extensive network in Karachi, their targets and operational style suggests that the Islamic State had inspired them.

It is also important to understand that such groups remain in search of better connectivity with regional and international terrorist organisations. The possibility of their linkages with Al Qaeda cannot be ruled out as both were operating in the same territory.

Breaking this terrorist cell is certainly a big achievement of the Sindh police, which has also given them plenty of experience dealing with the militants of the new stream.

At the same time, they have hopefully realised that this would not be the only fluid group operating in the city.

Wanted: Some sacred space that doesn't preach hate

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Once upon a time, long before this era of murder and marauding; before religion was dragged into politics and the pulpit became imperiled, the mosque was a sacred space.

Exemplifying the spirit of prayer, of pause from the worldly and the contaminated, it welcomed all for the respite and reflection it offered.

The number of mosques has grown rapidly in Pakistan, but sadly, sacred space, where the vagaries of politics and contestation, accusation and blame, hate and bloodlust has shrunk to nearly nothing.

With the passage of each year, the status of the mosque, as a sacred space, has been encroached by political and ideological contestation. With a barrage of bombs and bullets, of bodies going in alive and emerging dead, it has become like so much else in war-torn Pakistan: a target of terror.

The infection is often an internal affliction; the pulpits of too many mosques in too many towns have become venues for the preaching of hatred and strife, for invocations of violence and bloodshed.

As the recordings made and literature collected from so many mosques around the country has shown, to reclaim the sanctity of the mosque, there must be the reclamation of the pulpit.

Also read: Hate material in books has impacted entire generations

It is for just this reason that the verdict in a case decided this past Tuesday was such a welcome one. A judge in Kasur hearing a case against a cleric who was accused of inciting violence against a particular sect, sentenced the accused to five years in prison.

The case was decided under Section 9 of the Anti-Terrorism Act, which covers those charged with inciting violence at a public gathering. In its case against the cleric, the prosecution presented a video recording that clearly showed the cleric making the statements to a gathering of those who had come to pray.

Editorial: Silencing hate speech

In an age when nearly everyone has access to cameras on cellular phones, every Pakistani who worships at a mosque and believes in the urgency of reclaiming the venue as a hate free zone can be a help in this regard.


The sanctity of sacred space cannot be retained when the purpose of words spoken within is the whetting of murderous mobs; in recent months too, many of these have been riled up, killed and inflicted damage.

If ordinary citizens become conscripts in this effort against hatred, gather up evidence against those previously unchecked then, perhaps, the outcome for the cleric in Kasur will become a deterrent to numerous others, who also engage in the same transactions of evoking rage and violence.

Uprooting hatred can, undoubtedly seem a daunting task in a time where differences of denomination and ideology, ethnicity and affinity have all been distorted into reasons to kill; but all journeys begin with a single step, one positive act for the reclamation of the sacred.

Education Inc. — Fake it to make it?

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We've all faked it.

Whether once or twice or a few dozen times — be it through forced smiles or forged signatures, replicated art pieces or plagiarised papers, fake IDs or fake orgasms — we have all faked our way through social occasions, conversations, professional ladders and — if one can bring an honest admission of ribaldry here — sexual situations, where faking it is a lot more helpful than making it.

And, if anyone tells you they have never faked anything in the pure journey that is their saintly life, they're lying through their teeth.

Faking a degree is altogether different business.

Recently, in Pakistan, a detailed report written by The New York Times Pakistan Bureau Chief Declan Walsh claimed how local IT company Axact allegedly earned millions of dollars from scams involving fake degrees, non-existent online universities and manipulation of customers.

In an official statement on its website, Axact has denied all the allegations. At this stage, this perhaps may not be sufficient. The company is yet to present more concrete evidence to establish that it is not involved in any wrong doing.

The conventional way of looking at fake degrees frames it as a moral dilemma based in a black and white binary of good versus bad, devoid of the murky grey area that forces one to confront the more contradictory and less pleasant aspects of power, education and society.

We fake it because more often than not, it's the only way to make it. This isn't a stamp of approval on what goes in life by those who counterfeit, forge, replicate, lie, deceive and manipulate others; this is simply showing why one (or many) fakes it to climb up the ladder in life.

Also read: Fake degrees: Former lawmakers fall like ninepins

And, it has a lot to do with economics.

To understand the robust economy of the fake certificate, diploma and degree mills out in world — not just in Pakistan — one should take a trip back to 2005, when scholars began writing about the systematic problem that plagued the world of higher education.

In one such example, Allen Ezell and John Bear’s exposé named Degree Mills: The Billion-Dollar Industry That Has Sold Over a Million Fake Diplomas discusses how at least 300 degree mills on the internet have sold thousands and thousands of fake degrees on a weekly basis to Americans within the country, as well as others abroad, including medical and law degrees, since the 1980s.

Other examples also include disturbing revelations from 1986 when more than 5,000 fake doctors were practicing in the United States, directly putting the lives of thousands of patients on the line.

The book came out in 2005. Ten years later, the once rapidly growing scam of the yesteryears is now a multi-million dollar established, contemporary underworld industry.

Also read: Fake in Pakistan, fake across the world

For one instance, let's do the math here: Ezell Bear estimates in Degree Mills that 40,000-45,000 legitimate Ph.D.s are awarded annually in the United States while 50,000 spurious Ph.D.s are bought.

That means more than half of the degrees in the country were counterfeit degrees propelled by dubious 'accreditation' mills.

So, how do these mills prosper with such evidently endless impunity?

Why do thousands and thousands of people turn to these factories of forged credentials and fictional alma maters?

It's tough to say. Money, sure. Power, naturally. But, it has more to do with the privatisation of higher education; with free market logic permeating the world of advanced learning, many people — aspiring to obtain economic stability in an increasingly unstable economic order post-graduation — are turning to more corrupt ways to fast-forward the normally four-year degree programs (that average at a soul-crushing $80,000 annually) of the for-profit enterprise that fronts as 'education' around the world.


Education is now a neatly-packaged commodity that can be sold and bought.

To give a small glimpse of the mammoth-sized burden placed on students in these predatory institutions, consider the $30,000 (or often more) debt placed on students in the United States where many are simply ditching these neoliberal syndicates for more conveniently-won fake degrees. A fake degree? In many cases, $1,000 with a hefty risk on both the buyer and the business owner.

Also read: 300 PIA employees sacked for fake degrees

Additionally, it won't hurt anyone to say it's about approval and status.

The approval you get from society for having made it; the approval you get from employers for carrying a meticulous brain in that skull of yours demonstrated by your dignified degree that means better labour skills (or not — don't hold me to that one); the approval for holding a degree no matter how forged the credentials on it are; the approval you get from peers for going up the ladder, not down, no matter how amoral the climbing was.

And it's about status. In Pakistan's context, we are self-righteous die-hard fans of all that glitters and shines — regardless of how hollow the substance is. So, it isn't exactly a surprise that we may be having degree mills running under proud noses then.

Success in our world is about getting in and making it by hook or by crook. And when the tough gets going or when the tough gets heavily privatised and commodified, you will always have someone (or several thousand for that matter) willing to fake it big time to make it big time.

And, you've got culprits on both sides.


Hashmat Kevalramani: Pakistan's first exiled man

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My friend Salam Dharejo ordered me to write about Hashu after having read my blog about Gidu Mal sahib. The history of this country is filled with tales of exile, but most of them are self-imposed exiles.

Hashmat Tehlram, also known as Hashu. was arguably the first political activist in Pakistan to have been forcefully sent into exile in 1949.

Renowned Sindhi poet and literato Sheikh Ayaz writes in his book Sahiwal Jail Kee Diary:

“In 1963, when I was in Delhi and was about to head back home, Hashu said to me, 'Ayaz! Remember this: if you ever hurt a refugee in Pakistan, it will be as if you’ve hurt me. Because I, too, am a refugee in India.'”

Hashu was an actual genius, though sadly, an unemployed one.

A knowledgeable man, Hashu had also gone abroad, to the United Kingdom, for higher education, but came back without a degree. Afterwards, he began actively participating in politics.

Back in London, Hashu was a classmate of Indira Gandhi. He was also quite active in the pre-Partition struggle for independence from the British Raj.

Among Hashu’s many companions were Sheikh Ayaz, Comrade Sobho Gianchandani and Ibrahim Joyo. GM Syed was also quite impressed by him Hashu.

GM Syed was initially in the All India Congress. Later, he joined the All India Muslim League, whence, upon differences with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, he quit the League too.

Also read: Karachi’s Avatar

The All India Congress claimed to be the torchbearer of secular politics in India, while the All India Muslim League plainly asked Muslim population to come aboard. After having rejected both the parties, Syed was quite confused over what the future of his politics ought to be.

In his book Janab Guzaaryam Jann SieN (translated into Urdu under the title Merey Hamdam Merey Rafieque), he writes on page 217:

“At that time, Hashu’s love and his words were a beacon of light for me. He introduced me to the soul of the ‘national issue’. Afterwards, I began perceiving matters from a completely different perspective. The Congress believed India was a nation without any religious divides. On the other hand, the Muslim political theory was quite unconventional, emotional and based on misconceptions in comparison to other political theories of the world. In this context, I could only envision the unique Sindhi national identity as the whole truth. This enabled me to foresee the future with clarity.”

According to Syed, Hashu put tireless efforts in establishing the ‘Sindhi Samaj’ in Delhi. Initially, a Sindhi Language Convention was arranged. Radha Krishan, then President of India, was also invited to the convention.

Renowned literato Laxman Komal writes about the camaraderie of Sheikh Ayaz and Hashu on page 75 of his book Wahee Khaatay Jaa Panaa (Bahee Khaatay Kay Varq in Urdu):

“[On one occasion] Sheikh Ayaz got a little tipsy after downing a few pegs of rum. He stood like a lawyer in the courtroom and suddenly was kneeling before Hashu to touch his feet. He then started delivering a speech in English: ‘I owe half my existence to Hashu’. To this, Hashu replied: ‘Why half, Ayaz? Why not full?’”

Hashu was a vocal opponent of the British Raj. He was of the view that a united India should soon become an independent nation. In the book mentioned above, Sheikh Ayaz writes on page 597 about Hashu’s utter disliking of the British Raj:

“[Once] Hashu had a poster printed against the British Raj. It showed a map of India with a huge soldier’s boot crushing the country. The poster read, 'Stop this march of imperialism'. He was sent to prison for two years as a result of that poster. However, after spending a year and a half, Hashu was out of prison in 1941.”

Sheikh Ayaz further writes, “I shall live for communism, I shall die for communism, but I shall not live under communism.”

Hashu would always tell Comrade Sobho, “You will always be used by communists and supply your life and bones the foundation of a new building.”

Also read: Harchand Rai Vishan Das: Karachi's beheaded benefactor

Hashu always considered Sindh to be his motherland. He was never ready to leave his beloved land. Even after Partition, he remained in Sindh.

In 1947, soon after Pakistan came into being, Hashu was put under house arrest in Karachi. During that time, Hashu worked on translating GM Syed’s book My Struggle for a New Sindh into English.

After Partition, Syed’s political ideas were unacceptable for the new political establishment of Pakistan. Likewise, Hashu’s political ideas, too, were an unbearable burden for the establishments before and after independence. He was presented before the court of Masood Khadarposh, the then Commissioner, Karachi.

Masood Khadarposh was known for his note about the peasants of Sindh which is added to a commission report. The note, detailed as it was, later became known as the 'Haari (peasant) Report'.

The judge and the defendant knew each other well. Sheikh Ayaz writes on page 550:

“Masood asked Hashu during the conversation: ‘Why don’t you go to India?’ To this, Hashu candidly said: ‘This is my country. Why should I go to India?’ Masood then pointed to the commissioner’s room nearby and said, “You Sindhis will be decimated like the Red Indians.

“He then penned down the extension of Hashu’s house arrest. Masood was unable to raise his head until we left the room. I was shocked at what Masood had said. A little while after Hashu was freed, he was sent into an exile. We were there to drop him at the airport from GM Syed’s home.”*

Hashu was never ready to leave his country, his motherland for India. Even in 1963, after having spent 15 years in exile in India, he considered himself a refugee there.

Also read: 'Traitor of Sindh' Seth Naomal: A case of blasphemy in 1832

On pages 73 and 74 of his autobiography, renowned literato Laxman Komal writes about Hashu’s condition after being sent into exile:

“I was in Bombay at Kirath Babani’s residence. We had only poured out our first peg when the doorbell rang. When Babani’s wife opened the door, it was Hashu. A torn shirt, worn-out pair of pants, unshaven for at least a month, an old flat hat on his head and dark circles around his eyes.

“'Is it you, Laxman?' he exclaimed and then sat by my side in silence. Kirath gave him a drink. He gulped it in one go. Kirath took me to another room and told me to hand Hashu a five rupee note so he'd go away. Kirath said he had done this enough times already, but it was the only way to get Hashu to leave. Otherwise, he wouldn't go away easily.

“With teary eyes, I lifted Hashu from the sofa. He kept glancing here and there for the bottle Kirath had hidden after the first peg.

“I took out a 10 rupee note and placed it in Hashu’s hand. In an instant, Hashu was stepping out without saying a word. I could see the man taking long steps into the dark. A great literato, a genius, a thinker, a seasoned English journalist, Hashu Keval Ramani was disappearing slowly.

“As I came back inside, I told Kirath not to arrange any food. I told him I would not be able to take a single bite.”

I personally cannot speak of Hashu’s greatness in a single blog; he deserves a book. He accepted exile over compromising his ideals and his struggle.

Even after leaving Pakistan as an exiled man, Hashu was concerned about the refugees who had chosen Pakistan to be their homeland after Partition. He knew how exactly how painful it is to leave home and never return.


Translated by Aadarsh Ayaz Laghari from the original in Urdu here.

It has come back, but will it stay?

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Glory be, for international cricket has returned. Not since March 2009 have Pakistan played a game at home, and yesterday the brave Zimbabwean team entertained the crowd with a stellar batting performance which took some getting.

Skipper Elton Chigumbura was particularly impressive in a 35-ball 54, smashing bowlers to all parts. Chasing, both openers did well, but Mukhtar Ahmed was particularly good with an aggressive innings.

The crowd was extremely loud and enjoyed every delivery. Hearteningly, the Lahoris were gracious hosts, cheering the visitors for their heroic efforts.

It seemed that nostalgia had also gripped the selectors, as proven disappointments such as Shoaib Malik, Umer Akmal, and Mohammad Sami were inexplicably brought back into the squad.

All three showcased with signature performances. Malik, a talented all-rounder and a superb fielder, has never lived up to his potential in international cricket after a good start to his career. At the age of 33, the odds are against him in his ability to overcome his technical flaws as a batsman, which are so viciously exposed overseas during international games.

What’s more, his disciplinary issues have always been a concern. It is still painful to recall him boasting about deliberately losing a domestic T20 game during a post-match ceremony, because he had been angry at the umpires for costing his side. His claims shocked everyone in the commentary box, including the visiting Sanjay Manjrekar.

Likewise, enough has been written about Akmal, and it was a surprise to see him back. Of course, no surprise was bigger than Mohammad Sami's recall. His first delivery exemplified his career. It was fast, short, outside off stump, and smacked for four.

If there was a lesson from the game for selectors, it was to invest in youth.

For an instant, I too was overcome with nostalgia. As I watched the teams take the field against Zimbabwe at Gaddafi Stadium Lahore, I recalled one of the most famous matches to take place on this nation’s soil; the 1996 World Cup Final between Sri Lanka and Australia.

Although this contest took place only about 19 years ago, it seems decades away.

1996 wasn’t a prosperous year for Pakistan by any means. We still suffered from problems such as law and order issues and corruption, while basic services such as water and electricity were frustratingly inadequate. Yet, the Pakistan of 1996 seemed to be in a far better state.

Pakistan fans ahead of the game at the Gaddafi Stadium on Friday. —AP
Pakistan fans ahead of the game at the Gaddafi Stadium on Friday. —AP

For one, it is almost unthinkable to imagine another World Cup final taking place here in the near future; an event where thousands of international tourists would pour in from their nations to watch their respective teams perform as they did in 1996.

I say almost, as Zimbabwe’s decision to tour Pakistan is a cause for hope, albeit a small one.

It seems difficult to imagine that the major Test playing nations will be persuaded to put their lives at risk after one short tour from Zimbabwe, but perhaps, they can be convinced by the watertight security arrangements.

Of course, security is only a part of it. Visiting teams like to enjoy their time in another nation, and sadly, touring Pakistan means spending time in hotel rooms and cricket grounds.

Moreover, regardless of security assurances, the terrorist attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team isn’t likely to escape anyone's mind.

Imagine if you had a friend whose house you visited regularly. What if one fine evening, while sipping on a nice cold beverage and playing some video games with him, his daughter walked up to you smiling, and stabbed you in the shoulder with a giant steak knife?

As you would run screaming out of the door thinking of your mother, you’d promise yourself to never return. Sure, your friend would call you later full of promises about how his daughter has now found professional help, and will only be in a straitjacket when you visit. He may even desperately offer to have his wife watch her closely during your stops, or cite the example of a mutual friend who visited (after being bribed with chocolate) without incident.

Such assurances could sound comforting, but reports from neighbours of the daughter wildly attacking her siblings would still leave you weary.

After Zimbabwe completes an incident-free tour, the PCB hopes the ball will roll for other international teams. We can only hope. But we did stab international cricket in the shoulder with a steak knife, and it isn't likely to forget.


Related:

Travel diary: A boys club in Landi Kotal

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Towards the end of clumsily assembled shops in the Landi Kotal bazaar, a derelict door marks the opening of a tiny island.

Here, dreams take shape; ideas flourish and roll off frank, quicksilver tongues. Sweetened kahwa is generously served and savoured in pretty painted cups.

It is a haven for the restless, pensive mind; an escape for a nimble pen that fears losing the battle to a mightier sword.

The dusty marketplace is frequented by Afghan travelers en route to Peshawar, or locals looking for snacks and gifts. But the crumbling entrance leading to the one-room Landi Kotal press club is only used by journalists – always male.

I make my way up the steps wondering how I will be received. What am I doing here?

Earlier, we had had the good fortune of being stranded.

After an adventurous day spent driving from Peshawar to Torkham, we were ready to get home when we found the road back abruptly dug up by men from the Frontier Works Organisation.

It was a particularly dusty road in Khyber Agency, dwarfed by stony mountains – not an ideal spot to stretch and take some photographs, but I had stepped out of the car, while my companions thought of a way out.

I attempted to quickly snap a photo of a handsome khasadar youth sprawled on a rock, unaware of my presence as he posed for a selfie. Nearby, construction workers took a break to eat an orange ice-lolly in the heat.

Nothing to worry about, my fellow travelers – two jovial local journalists – had assured me. Help was on the way.

It arrived in the form of four khasadars from the nearby Michni checkpost where we had earlier stopped to take in the astounding bird’s eye view of Torkham.

These energetic Khyber Khasadar Force men removed the gravel to clear the route back to Peshawar.
These energetic Khyber Khasadar Force men removed the gravel to clear the route back to Peshawar.

The armour of the beaten Toyota Hilux they drove was nowhere near shining, but our knights came equipped with shovels and burly resolve to clear the route for us. They met with success.

The boys unite to give the car one big push.
The boys unite to give the car one big push.

Worn out from the wait and unforgiving sun, my companions insisted we break for a cool drink. And so we found ourselves climbing the steps to the wondrous world that is the tehsil headquarters’ press club.

“Landi Kotal is not a safe place, as you may know,” the club’s president Ali Shinwari says with a small smile as I walk in. “But journalists visit the press club regularly.”

The main ‘hall’ is a small carpeted room which hosts a daily 'baithak'. Bolster pillows and small cushions line the walls and a desk and chair set is stuffed into one busy corner. A wall-mounted flat screen TV relays the latest bulletin on an Urdu news channel. Sunlight streams in through two large windows, left open for ventilation in the suffocating heat.

We sink into the floor cushions and exchange pleasantries with the handful of journalists in the room. There are no women.

I am introduced as a visiting journalist from Karachi. Some of us shake hands.

“How are things there?” they ask. I blush before I speak. I think of Karachi’s frustrating survival against depressing odds; of Sabeen Mahmud’s murder, the attacks on teachers and minority communities. As usual, there is no good news to share.

“Things are the same,” I say.

Ali Shinwari laughs. It betrays his trepidation. “We know violence. It has destroyed thinking and freedom here.”

I ask if any women come to the press club.

It is difficult enough for men to report in Fata, he says. “There are hardly any women journalists here. You are the very first woman to visit our press club.”

We both smile.

Drinks are served by a lone staff member. The hosts insist I drink two tall glasses of pulpy fruit juice. It is ice cold, delicious and really just the perfect antidote to the afternoon heat. There is a small plate heaped with slices of marble cake and biscuits from the bazaar.

“There are many pressure groups who threaten us from time to time,” he says later. “Sometimes we make compromises. Sometimes we take risks. There are times when we remain silent. But I think things are getting better.”

Shinwari’s determination is rousing. The blood spatter on the proverbial wall from the killing of 14 tribal journalists and migration of several others does not deter the 35 registered members of this club.

“How do you carry on?” I ask. “What inspires you?”

He is frustrated by the abysmal state of the tribal belt. It is deprived and disgraced by the stigma of militancy and he hopes to tell the story of the real, everyday Fata. Of small victories and colossal symbolic leaps.

“Really, we are not bad people. But with bad policies and no rule of law, things become worse.”

His words are heartbreaking. But his burning conviction would bring a smile to the lips of the most steadfast cynic.

“We need support. We want our women to work like men.”

Days after I return to Karachi, he uploads to Facebook a photograph of my visit to his islet of hope. In it, we are holding up a gift presented to me on behalf of the Landi Kotal press club; a pink shalwar kameez suit with embroidery on the shirt front.

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Karachi based female journalist visits Landikotal Press Club. Nasir Dawar and Ali Akbar was also present on the...

Posted by Nasib Shah Shinwari on Tuesday, May 5, 2015
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Among the dozens of comments under the photo — most of them in Pashto, saying ‘welcome to our land’— two particularly stayed with me. “This means [sic] here’s peace. Fata’s voice can reach Karachi.”

In the days that follow, my friends from Landi Kotal post pictures nearly every day. Many of them are of a football match taking place at the Government Highschool Ground. The sidelines are demarcated by rows of spectators sitting in one large square on the loose, sandy bottom; an orderly sea of grey and white shalwar kameez. There are photographs of children and old men cheering for their teams; and a cheerful one of the victors.

It takes me back to their burning urgency to make Fata belong. To tell happy and sad stories that are not pegged to the war on terror.

This boys club in Landi Kotal is a drop in a savage ocean of tribulation. But, like Shinwari had said: A journey of a thousand miles starts with a single step.


The journey: In photos

A bus carries sleepy passengers back to Peshawar city.
A bus carries sleepy passengers back to Peshawar city.
Drivers rest under their monstrous trucks in the late evening, before they set out towards Torkham. These guys were happy to pose.
Drivers rest under their monstrous trucks in the late evening, before they set out towards Torkham. These guys were happy to pose.
Kids spend the afternoon playing with a slingshot.
Kids spend the afternoon playing with a slingshot.
On the drive back to Peshawar, I saw these children having a ball of time swimming in this tiny lake.
On the drive back to Peshawar, I saw these children having a ball of time swimming in this tiny lake.
A fiercely patriotic sign at Torkham border between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
A fiercely patriotic sign at Torkham border between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The Michni checkpost, the last before the Pak-Afghan border, is a sight for sore eyes with it's beautiful garden.
The Michni checkpost, the last before the Pak-Afghan border, is a sight for sore eyes with it's beautiful garden.
Another view of the flora at Michni
Another view of the flora at Michni

Atika Rehman is the News Editor of Dawn.com. She is a travel buff and a foodie, who tweets @AtikaRehman.

In New York: Being Jamshaid of 'Jackson Heights'

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"You’re going to New York?! I am so jealous."
"You are so lucky."
"Three months in the United states? Wow!"

These were some of the excited reactions I received, as I planned my three month-long, purely work trip to the US.

I tried to explain that it was purely for educational purposes, but they wouldn't stop screaming in delight at how lucky I was. For the people around me, it was a dream come true; a dream full of fascination and glory.

Despite the hoopla and fuss, I landed in New York with minimal expectations; just a hidden corner in my heart bustling with a tourist's excitement to witness the city.

After a long ordeal at the airport, tired and exhausted, I finally arrived at the small room that I had rented for the month. I will skip details of the room’s demeanour. At that point, I was happy enough to have a place where I could rest my head. I was already missing Karachi and my own comfortable bed.

The next day, I set out to find my workplace with a fresh resolve and motivation in my heart. As I stepped into the train, the mic announced:

“Dear customers, your safety is our primary concern…”.

My heart swelled with relief. This was a welcome change.

“…please beware of pickpockets as you ride the MTA vehicle. Have a safe journey!”

My heart skipped a beat. A dream come true indeed, but maybe my worst one?

After much ado, I got off the train, walked for miles towards and within subways, to finally discover that I was lost. Frustrated and tired, I took a taxi which cost me a good 50 dollars to reach the hospital. Ouch. I badly missed the auto-rickshaw I took from right under my home to take me wherever in the city I wanted, all for under Rs 200, if haggled right.

Then came work, where, on my first day, I felt like an outsider among a sea of unknown faces. I felt my miniscule existence crumbling in the vast galaxy of stars. I was a nobody. I felt like I had a long month of struggle ahead to prove myself.

The people here are friendly and nice, but a certain and very large amount of different. I sensed I had to bridge a huge gap before I could fit in. I wasn’t looking forward to it. But, I wasn’t ready to give up yet.

Finally, after a day of arduous mental exertion of desiring approval, I went home to find an empty fridge. 'Oh, let's order McDonalds,' my mind buzzed in relief. 'Wait. It’s not halal,' my subconscious nudged.

Distraught and hungry, I finally grabbed a bag of open chips from the plane and decided to hit the sack. Mouth-watering images of my mum’s home-cooked food tortured my mind.

I had had enough for the day. I missed Pakistan. And this was just the first day.

Things moved on. Progress was made. New York was glorious with tall buildings and diverse individuals. I became part of their robotic cult, waking up at six in the morning; going to work; coming back; eating whatever was available; having lots of coke and going to sleep.

Life here took a different dimension altogether. There was no maid to do your chores, you had to mop the floors yourself. There was no fast-food joint at every corner of the city, and you had to travel for miles to find a semi-decent place. For someone like me who wrote strong feminist blogs on how men in Pakistan are scary and keep ogling you, a ride on the NY subway after the sunset was reason enough to redefine the word scary itself.

My entire month was a toned down reflection of my first day; the search for halal food, the desire to fit in, the outsider tag, the long arduous walks and the torturous pangs of missing home. All this was – is my life. The struggle still continues.

For others, I may have been living a tourist's dream. But truth be told, I felt like Jamshaid of Jackson Heights – lured into the glitter of a jewel only to find out it was not real.

I could completely identify with Jamshaid's struggle of a desi with big dreams; dreams that take you to their end only for you to realise that there is no place like where you started from.

See: Love and longing in 'Jackson Heights'

I guess it won't be so bad after a while when things ease out, friends are made, and halal food finds its way through. But that doesn’t change the fact that when it comes to luxury and quality of life, there is no place like Pakistan, no place like home!

—Photos by author


Related:

Breathing easy: 7 ways asthma is a friend to its victims

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Living with a chronic illness is no picnic. I know because asthma has been my constant companion since childhood. We have a love-hate relationship – it loves being with me while I hate it. But it would be wrong of me to say that it hasn’t had any positive effect on my life.

Usually, the talk about chronic illnesses revolves around their symptoms and cures. But just this once, for a change, I’ve decided to take a look at some of the advantages of having asthma. Life hands out some particularly bitter lemons to asthmatics, but with lots of sugar and inhaler puffs, we can still make some lemonade.

See: Over 10m suffer from asthma in Pakistan

So without further ado, here are some of the advantages I have had over the years thanks to my chronic friend:

1. A permanent excuse to take the day off

Some of the sick leaves I’ve taken have been genuinely merited. After sleepless nights spent wheezing away, I am not able to drag myself off to work.

Then, there are other days when I just wake up on the wrong side of the bed and going to work sounds like a trip to purgatory. On those days, it is easier to just make an excuse, roll over and go back to sleep. After all, having asthma is a much better excuse than “urgent work at home”.

2. The introvert’s best friend

Excuses just aren’t for work. If you are not a social butterfly who can flit from event to event without ever getting tired, a chronic illness comes in handy like nothing else.

From brandishing my inhaler to avoiding boring conversations at shaadis to mumbling platitudes over the phone (in between exaggerated wheezes) to friends irate at yet another missed get together, I’ve done it all. Not everyone is happy dressing up and going out all the time. Some of us like to lounge around in bed, watching pirated episodes of Game of Thrones.

3. Weapon in sibling warfare

Who do the parents believe “started it” when one child is in the bloom of health, strong and full of mischief, and the other is a small, sickly thing with no energy? Even when the charges against me were proven to be true, asthma acted as a shield and saved me from punishments.

Sorry siblings, chronic illness beats fairness every time.

4. Icebreaker for all occasions

Every once in a while, it becomes unavoidable to engage in small talk with someone, and what is a more fertile topic than illness? Whether you are talking to a fellow sufferer or someone who has a ghoulish interest in other people’s suffering (believe me, there are such individuals), you are never short of things to say.

If nothing else, you can regale company with tales of your worst sick days. It is never too early to plant the seeds of a future pretext in case you want to avoid meeting the same people another time.

5. A path to greater knowledge

Do you know the 101 surefire ways to cure asthma? Because I do. Practically everyone I meet just happens to know someone who had asthma but has now been cured, thanks to some totka or medicine.

Also read: Experts say steroids inhalers are best asthma treatment

Then I’m always badgered to try that cure since it is sure to work. Sometimes I do, because aren’t practicals always better than theory? But sadly, my asthma has not yet decided to part company with me. It is more loyal than other people’s asthma.

6. Facilitator to epiphanies

Most people never get the chance to do some soul-searching and draw important conclusions about the meaning of life because they are too busy running errands during the day and too busy sleeping during the night.

Well, I don’t have that problem because: a) I’m too lazy to run errands, and b) my illness keeps me up at night.

While the rest of the world is dreaming, I ponder the mysteries of the universe. Who knew clogged sinuses could contribute so much to intellectual development.

7. Empathy generator

Someone who has never had serious illness or has not been hampered from enjoying life to the fullest because of physical weakness, cannot understand what a burden an unwell body can be. Those of us who have been forbidden from having mango achaar and were looked over when school sports awards were handed out, know the worth of having good health.

I have a lot of empathy for all my fellow sufferers, who have to live with chronic pain, listen to people drone on about potential cures, and bear the looks of pity doled out by people who realise that these are illnesses that can be managed but not cured.

So there you have it. Asthma and other chronic illnesses are not easy to live with, but even they have some upsides. Happy medicating fellow sufferers.


The month of May marks Asthma Awareness Month every year.

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